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ORIGINAL NARRATIVES 
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY 



VOYAGES OF 
SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

1604 — 1618 



EDITED BY 



W. L. GRANT, M.A. (Oxon.) 

BEIT LECTURER ON COLONIAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY 
OF OXFORD 



lyiTH A MAP AND TIVO PLANS 



CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
NEW YORK ------ 1907 



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TiBRARYofCCNSRESS? 
• Twc Gootes HocevwJ I 

( JUN 28 r:¥ir 

' /»Coryn?W Entry 
liOLASf CX \>.-,. No. 
COFT U._ _ .J 



COPYRIGHT, 1907, BY 
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 



PuBUSHED, June, 1907 



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NOTE 

Champlain's narrative, as Mr. Grant has explained in his 
Introduction, is not solely one of the fundamental bases for the 
history of New France, but also, by reason of his explorations of 
the New England coast and his incursions into the Iroquois coun- 
try, of high importance for that of the United States. A series, 
however, which aims primarily to illustrate the latter may prop- 
erly omit the story of his later years, subsequent to 1618, the 
interest of which is chiefly Canadian. This volume presents the 
texts of the Voyages of 1613 and the Voyages et Bescouvertures of 
1619, as given in the excellent translation by Dr. Charles Pome- 
roy Otis, in the second and third volumes of the late Dr. Edmund 
F. Slafter's Voyages of Samuel de Qhamplain^ published in three 
volumes by the Prince Society. Cordial thanks are due to Dr. 
Slafter and to the Council of the Prince Society for the permission 
to use this version. 

It is proper to say that certain pages, which in the original 
occur in the Voyages of 1613 between the address to the Queen 
Mother and the " Privilege," have been omitted. They contain, 
first, a poem of sixteen stanzas upon Champlain's voyages, ad- 
dressed to the French nation, and signed " L'Ange Paris" [iensis] ; 
secondly, a poem of seven stanzas, "to Monsieur de Champlain, 
upon his book and his marine charts," signed Motin ; and thirdly, 
a summary of the chapters, which in the present volume is replaced 
by the table of contents. 

Some explanations should be added respecting the maps. Two 
general maps are mentioned upon the title-page of the Voyages 
of 1613. One of these, the "Carte geographique de la Novelle 
franse en son vray meridiein," is reproduced in this volume. 
Explanations regarding it are given on pages 223 and 224. 

The Voyages of 1613 and 1619 have many smaller maps, plans, 
and views. Of these we reproduce two. One shows Champlain's 



vi NOTE 

plan of the " Habitasion de lile s'^te Croix," the pioneer settlement 
which the Sieur de Monts and his company established in June, 
1604, on the island now called St. Croix, and so on what is now 
United States soil. The plan may be profitably compared with 
that printed in the volume of Early English and French Voyages^ 
page 412, showing the similar though more pretentious establish- 
ment which the English founded three years later at the mouth 
of the Kennebec. 

Thirdly, we give Champlain's plan of the Fort of the Iroquois, 
in the present area of Madison County, New York, as that fort 
is figured opposite page 44 of Champlain's Voyages of 1619. 

J. F. J. 



CONTENTS 

VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 
Edited by W. L. Grant, A.M. 

PAQB 

Intkoduction 3 

Title Page 15 

Dedication to the King . 16 

To the Queen Eegent 17 

exteact from the license to the printer 18 

The Voyages of 1604-1607 19 

Account of Former Explorations 21 

Sieur de Monts fits out an Expedition 25 

Champlain approaches the East Coast 26 

Explores the Acadian Coast 28 

At Long Island 30 

At the Bay of Saint Mary 32 

Enters Port Eoyal ; ascends the Riviere de I'^quille .... 34 
Goes in Search of Copper . . . . . . . . .36 

Seeks a Place for a Permanent Settlement 37 

Fortifies the Island of St. Croix 42 

Makes Discoveries along the Coast of Norumbega .... 44 

Holds Intercourse with the Natives ....... 49 

Returns to the Island of St. Croix .52 

Description of the Mai de Terre 53 

Customs and Habits of the Natives 55 

Expedition to the Coast of the Almouchiquois 56 

On the Quinibequy River 59 

At the Isle de Bacchus 61 

At Island Harbor 62 

At Island Cape 65 

Experiences with the Indians 67 

At Cap Blanc (Cape Cod) 69 

Visits an Indian Settlement 71 

Description of the Natives 73 

Birds and Fishes found on the Coast 74 

vii 



yiii CONTENTS 

FAax 

Return from the Coast of the Almouchiquois 76 

The Settlement transferred from St. Croix to Port Royal ... 78 

The Beginning of the Voyage to Florida 81 

Disasters Encountered °2 

Departure from Port Royal to return to France 85 

Meeting with Ralleau, and return to Port Royal 86 

Champlain sets out to make Further Explorations .... 88 

Anchors in Beauport (Gloucester Harbor) 90 

Visits Mallebarre 93 

Enters Stage Harbor 95 

The Natives 96 

Conflict with Them 97 

Champlain explores Vineyard Sound 101 

Begins the Return Voyage . . . . . • • • • 103 

Perils of that Voyage 104 

Arrival at Port Royal 106 

Poutrincourt's Improvements There 107 

The Funeral of Panounias . . . • ' 108 

Ordre de Bon Temps HO 

News from France HI 

Explorations around Port Royal 112 

Departure thence of Poutrincourt and his Company .... 114 

Cape Breton ; Return to France 117 

The Voyages to the Great River St. Lawrence, 1608-1612 . 119 
Henry IV.'s Grant of the Fur Trade to Sieur de Monts . . .122 

Champlain embarks from France ; reaches Tadoussac . . • 124 

Has Trouble with Basque Merchants 125 

On the Saguenay . • 127 

Goes to Quebec 129 

Establishes a Permanent Settlement at Quebec 131 

Conspiracy against Champlain 132 

Description of the Quarters at Quebec 136 

Argument as to Cartier's St. Croix 137 

Account of the People 141 

The Scurvy at Quebec .147 

Departure from Quebec 149 

Meeting with the Algonquins and Ochataiguins 151 

Champlain returns to Quebec 152 

Continues his Journey accompanied by the Savages .... 153 

A Fall in the River causes Delay 155 

Indian Methods of Warfare 157 

Enters Lake Champlain ; describes It 161 

First Battle with the Iroquois 163 

Cruelty of the Natives 166 

Return from the Battle with the Iroquois ....*. 168 



CONTENTS ix 



PAOi: 



Champlain sails for France ; arrives at Honfleur . . . .169 
Determines to return to Quebec 171 

The Second Voyage to New France in the Year 1610 . . 172 

Departure from France to return to Quebec 175 

Champlain at Quebec 177 

Accompanies Expedition against the Iroquois 178 

Second Battle with the Iroquois 180 

Treatment of the Prisoners 184 

Brul6 sent to learn the Language of the Algonquins . . . .185 

Du Pare left in Charge at Quebec 189 

The Mode of Catching Whales 190 

Third Voyage of Sieur de Champlain in the Year 1611 . . 193 

Champlain departs from France ; encounters Many Dangers . . 195 

Among the Icebergs 196 

Cape Canso is Sighted 199 

Meeting with the Son of Poutrincourt . 200 

Champlain lands at Tadoussac ; sets out to meet the Algonquins . 201 

Establishes a Settlement at Place Royale 203 

The Death of Louis and Outetoucos 206 

The Return of Brule 208 

Conference with the Charioquois 210 

Invitation to visit their Country 212 

Apprehension of the Natives 213 

Interchange of Men 214 

Arrival of Three Himdred Algonquins 217 

Their Assurances of Friendship 218 

Champlain returns to Tadoussac ; departs for France . . .219 

De Monts dissolves Partnership with his Associates .... 220 
Champlain resents the Claim of Cartier's Friends . . . .221 

Explanation of Champlain's Maps 223 

Fourth Voyage of Sieur de Champlain, made in the Year 1613 225 

Letter to the Prince of Cond6 227 

Champlain obtains the Support of Soissons ; of Cond6 . • • 229 

His Departure from France . . ^ 231 

Arrival at Tadoussac ; Journey to the Falls of St. Louis . . . 232 

Vignau's Report concerning the North Sea 234 

Champlain sets out to discover It 236 

The Route up the Ottawa River 237 

Champlain visits TessoUat 244 

An Indian Cemetery 245 

Conference at the Abode of Tessoiiat 247 

Vignau's Report is found to be False ...•••• 251 

He makes a Confession 252 



X CONTENTS 

Champlain returns to the Falls ........ 254 

Ceremony at the Chaudiere Falls 255 

Arrival at the Falls of St. Louis 256 

Champlain departs for France ; lands at St. Malo .... 258 

Voyages and Discoveries in New France from 1615 to 1618 . 261 

Dedication to the King 263 

Preface 265 

Extract from the License 266 

Voyages of 1615 267 

Champlain seeks Friars for his Expedition 270 

Secures Four Recollect Priests 272 

Sails from France ; reaches Quebec 274 

Mission of Father Joseph 275 

Champlain's Conference with the Indians at the Falls . . . 276 

He sets out to join the Savages . . 278 

His Route to Lake Huron 279 

Visits to Various Indian Villages 283 

Products of the Country ; Character of the Natives .... 284 

The War Party 287 

Its Route around Lake Ontario 288 

At the Fort of the Iroquois 290 

The Attack 292 

The Ketreat 295 

Champlain is forced to remain with the Savages 296 

Indian Methods of Capturing Deer 298 

Return to the Huron Settlement 301 

Champlain visits Father Joseph and Several Savage Tribes . . 302 

Description of their Country, Customs, and Mode of Life . . . 303 

Champlain attempts to reconcile the Algonquins and the Hurons . 305 

Observations upon the Country 311 

Account of the Hurons 313 

Their Food 314 

Their Dress .317 

Their Customs as to Marriage 319 

As to their Children 320 

Their Religion 321 

Their Treatment of the Sick 324 

Their Agriculture 327 

Their Government 327 

Their Burial Customs 329 

Their Winter Employments 330 

Champlain returns to Quebec 332 

To France 334 



CONTENTS xi 

PAGB 

Voyages and Discoveries in the Year 1618 337 

Voyage to New France 339 

The Murder of Two Frenchmen by Indians 340 

Attempt of the Tribe to make Recompense 34:4 

Trial and Confession of the Murderer 346 

Perplexity of the Colonists 348 

Arrival of Pont Grave ^4:9 

Visit to Trois Rivieres 351 

Condoning of the Murder 353 

Brul6's Report of his Adventures 354 

His Capture by the Iroquois, and his Return 357 

Champlain sails for France 360 



MAPS AND PLANS 

FAOIKG PAGE 

Champlain's Drawing of the Settlement on the Island of 
Sainte Croix. From a copy of the First Edition of the Voyages of 
1613, in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) ... 42 

Champlain's Map of New France according to the True Meri- 
DiAN. From a copy of the First Edition of the Voyages of 1613, in 
the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . . .224 

Champlain's Plan of the Fort of the Iroquois. From a copy of the 
First Edition of the Voyages of 1619, in the New York Public Library 
(Lenox Building) ^94 



THE VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE 
CHAMPLAIN 



INTRODUCTION 

Samuel de Champlain was born about the year 1567 in the 
town of Brouage in the province of Saintonge. Now a quiet 
Httle village in the department of Charente Inf^rieure/ in 
the days when Catholic and Huguenot were at each other's 
throats all through France, the harbor of Brouage and its 
proximity to the Huguenot stronghold of La Rochelle made 
it a stirring and important place, several times taken and 
retaken during the youth of Champlain. A devout CathoHc, 
but a fervent Royahst, he ralUed to the side of Henry IV., 
and fought with credit both on sea and land during the con- 
fused years of foreign and domestic warfare which were ter- 
minated by the peace of Vervins in 1598. But from the first 
his love had been for the sea, and soon after the peace he entered 
the service of the King of Spain, and in January, 1599, set sail 
for the West Indies, as captain of the St. Julian, a stout ship of 
five hundred tons. Till March, 1601, he remained in the neigh- 
borhood of the Caribbean Sea, visiting Mexico, Cartagena, 
Havana, and the other Spanish colonies on the main land and 
among the Antilles. On his return he wrote a short account of 
his travels entitled Brief Discours des Choses plus remarquahles 
que Sammuel Champlain de Brouage a reconneues aux Indes 
Occidentalles au voiage quHl en a faict en icelles en Vannee 1599 et 
en Vannee 1601, comme ensuite. 

This first production of his pen is illustrated by Champlain 
himseK with sixty-two maps and pictures, which, though drawn 
with the most dehghtful disregard of perspective and of tech- 

* An interesting account of Brouage by D. R. Jack, with excellent illus- 
trations, appeared in Acadiensis, IV. 226-233. 

3 



4 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

nique, are not without a rude vigor and fidelity. His keen eye 
and his exceptional opportunities enabled him to bring back to 
France a store of information on the flora, fauna, mines and 
system of government of those rich colonies which Spain so 
grimly endeavored to conceal from prying eyes. Among other 
interesting suggestions is one as to the commercial value of a 
trans-Isthmian canal, "by which the voyage to the South Sea 
would be shortened by more than fifteen hundred leagues." 
The value of his report brought him into favor with Henry IV., 
who knew and loved a man ; he was assigned a small pension, 
and it was probably at this time that he was raised to the rank 
of the untitled nobiHty. 

For a brief period after his return, Champlain dangled in 
the ante-chambers of the Louvre, but was soon swept into the 
current of a movement which was to absorb his Hfe. Since the 
expedition of Jacques Cartier, in 1534, a series of voyages had 
been made from the seaports of France to the banks of New- 
foundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence in quest of fish and of 
fur. Especially from the ports of Normandy and Brittany, 
but also from those of the west and southwest, brown-sailed 
fishing-smacks braved the Atlantic in search of cod. In 1578 
Anthony Parkhurst was "informed that there are above 100 
saile of Spaniards that come to take Cod" off Newfoundland, 
"besides 20 or 30 more that come from Biskaie to kill Whale 
for Traine; ... of Fortugals there are not lightly above 50 
saile, ... Of the French nation and Britons [Bretons] 
are about one hundred and fiftie sailes^" of EngHsh only fifty 
sail.^ 

With peace came thoughts of larger enterprizes, of the West 
or North West Passage to the Orient for which the English 
mariners had been searching in vain, of colonies whose mineral 
wealth should exceed that of Mexico and of Peru, of savage 

* Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, ed. 1903, VIII. 10, 11. 



INTRODUCTION 5 

tribes brought beneath the easy yoke of the Church. Of the 
various attempts to reahze these high thoughts, the first which 
concerns us is that of Aymar de Chastes, governor of Dieppe, 
a grey-haired veteran of the civil wars, and one of the most 
unselfish and single-hearted of the gallant band, good Cathohcs 
and true Frenchmen, who had clung to Henry of Navarre in 
his darkest hours. In 1603 he proposed to the now triumphant 
monarch a plan for setting up in the new world the Cross of 
Christ and the fleur-de-hs of France. To aid him in defraying 
expenses he requested the monopoly of the fur-trade. 

This was granted, and de Chastes wisely allayed the indig- 
nation of the merchants of the west coast by forming an alhance 
with several of the more prominent, chief among whom was 
du Pont Grave, a merchant of St. Malo who had already made 
numerous voyages. Champlain was well known to de Chastes, 
under whom he had served in the royal fleet during the civil 
wars, and was offered a place in the expedition. The king's 
consent was obtained, and Champlain was commissioned to 
bring back to His Majesty ''a true report of what should befall." 
He thus sailed with the position of Geographer Royal. The 
expedition, consisting of ^o vessels, one under Pont Grave, 
the other under Sieur Prevert of St. Malo, left Honfleur on 
March 15, 1603, and sailed up the St. Lawrence as far as the 
present city of Montreal, but could find no trace of the 
Indian town of Hochelaga, visited by Cartier in 1535. Cham- 
plain busied himself with exploring and mapping out both 
shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 

After a prosperous voyage, they returned to France with a 
valuable cargo of furs, arriving at Havre de Grace on September 
20, 1603, to be greeted by the news that de Chastes had died in 
the previous May. Champlain at once set about preparing 
for the king a report, illustrated by maps, which was printed 
with the royal sanction, and published early in 1604 with the 
title Des Sauvages: ou Voyage de Samuel Champlain, de 



6 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

Brouage, faict en la France Nouvelle, Van mil six cens 

trois. 

This short treatise, which was dedicated to Charles de 
Montmorency, the Admiral of France, covers ahnost the same 
ground as that gone over by Jacques Cartier in 1534-1535, 
but gives fuller and more accurate descriptions of the coasthne 
and its harbors, and contains valuable information about the 
customs and habits of the savages. 

The mantle of de Chastes fell upon Pierre de Guast (or de 
Gua), Sieur de Monts, a Huguenot nobleman, governor of 
Pons in Saintonge. In spite of the opposition of the king's 
great minister Sully, who augured much expense and httle 
profit from such fantastic enterprises, he obtained the title of 
Lieutenant-General in Acadia, with plenary jurisdiction over 
all the lands in America lying between the fortieth and forty- 
sixth degrees of latitude, and a ten years' monopoly of the 
fur-trade. De Monts entered vigorously upon the work of 
trade and colonization, associated with himself Champlain 
and Pont Grave, and early in April, 1604, set sail from Havre 
de Grace. From this date till 1619 the Mfe of Champlain is 
contained in his journals, of which this volume is composed. 
Only a few additional details need here be given. In 1610, 
while in Paris, he married Hel^ne BouUe, the daughter of 
Nicolas BouUe, secretary of the king's chamber. Although 
the contract was signed, and the greater part of her dowry 
paid over, the youth of the bride prevented her from accom- 
panying her husband, and she remained for some years longer 
in the charge of her parents; but in 1620 accompanied Cham- 
plain to Quebec. 

In 1613 he pubUshed his second volume, and in 1619 a 
continuation, which was reprinted in 1620 and 1627. The 
translation of these two volumes is given in the following pages. 

In 1615-1616 his voyages of exploration came to an end, 
and for the next twenty years his history is that of the strug- 



INTRODUCTION 7 

gling settlement of Quebec. The fur trade grew, and the com- 
pany is said to have paid an annual dividend of forty per cent. 
But colonization languished, and in 1627 Quebec contained 
only two families of permanent settlers. In that year the 
Cardinal de Richeheu, grand-admiral and virtual ruler of 
France, determined to make New France more than a high- 
sounding name for a mere trading-post. The old company 
was dissolved, and a new one formed under the name of "La. 
Compagnie de la Nouvelle France," which received large 
privileges, and undertook colonization on a large scale. In 
its organization Champ lain was prominent, and he remained in 
charge of the settlement at Quebec. 

War had broken out between England and France, and in 
1628 David Kirke, an energetic Franco-Scottish freebooter, 
who had entered the English service, sailed up the Saint 
Lawrence, captured the fleet sent out with supphes by the 
newly founded company, and demanded the surrender of 
Quebec. Champlain, though almost destitute, put on so 
bold a face that iCirke withdrew. But in the next year he 
reappeared ; winter had exhausted the scanty suppUes of the 
French; and on July 19, 1629, Champlain surrendered on 
honorable terms, which were faithfully observed by the Eng- 
hsh. By the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed on March 
29, 1632, the French possessions in Canada were restored, and 
in the next year Champlain returned to Quebec, bringing with 
him two members of the Jesuit order, which for the next hun- 
dred years was to be largely responsible for the fortunes of the 
colony. 

In 1632 he pubhshed his last work, under the title, Les 
Voyages de la Nouvelle France Occidentale, dicte Canada, fails 
par le S"" de Champlain, Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy 
en la Marine du Ponant, et toutes les Descouvertes quHl a faites 
en ce Pais depuis Van 1603 jusques en Van 1629, Oil se voit 
comme ce Pays a este premierement descouvert par les Frangois, 



8 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

sous VAuthorite de nos Roys tres Chrestiens, jusques au Regne 
de sa Majeste a present regnante Louis XIII. Roy de France 
et de Navarre. A Paris, chez Claude Collet, au Palais, en la 
Gallerie des Prisonniers, a rEstoille dVr, MDCXXXII. Avec 
Privilege du Roy. 

This volume is divided into two parts. The first gives a 
resume of the voyages of his predecessors, and of his own 
travels up to 1620. Many details, and even some important 
episodes, given in his earlier publications are omitted, and 
though a few errors are corrected, its interest is much less. 
The second part brings the history of Quebec and of the St. 
Lawrence up to 1631, and contains a full account of the EngHsh 
conquest. It is doubtful how far Champlain is responsible 
for the form in which this volume appeared. The absence of 
any word of praise for the early missionary work of the Re- 
collets, and the prominence given to the labors of the Jesuits, 
have rendered it probable in the eyes of some writers that he 
allowed his journals to be put through the press by a Jesuit 
editor. The volume also contains a treatise on navigation 
by Champlain, a brief work on Christian doctrine translated 
into the language of the Montagnais by the Jesuit Father 
Brebeuf, and the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed, translated 
into the same language by Father Masse. 

During the final years of his hfe, Champlain worked hard at 
rebuilding and improving the fort and other buildings of Que- 
bec, and at forming alHances for war and trade with various 
Indian tribes, with whom he sought to make a confederacy 
for the subjugation of the dreaded Iroquois. But toil and 
privation and manifold disappointments had sapped his 
strength, and in October, 1635, he was compelled to take to his 
bed, For over two months he hngered, and then on Christmas 
Day, 1635, the founder of New France passed quietly to rest, 
solaced in his last hours by the rites of the Church which he 
loved so well. A few days later his body was laid to rest amid 



\ 



INTKODUCTION 9 

the sorrow of all the Httle community. Pious hands soon 
raised a chapel over his ashes, but all traces of it have long dis- 
appeared, and its site is now occupied by the post-office. 

The Hfe of Champlain is primarily connected with the his- 
tory of Canada. He first planted the KHes of France upon the 
rock of Quebec, and nursed into existence the colony whose 
descendants still play so large a part in the Dominion. As such 
he is of interest to students of American history. For over 
one hundred years the colony which he founded waged equal 
war with the British settlements as far south as New York; 
its cession to England rendered possible American Indepen- 
dence, so long delayed by fear of the northern thunder-cloud. 
But Champlain is still more intimately connected with the 
beginnings of the great repubhc. His voyages of exploration 
extended to the south of Boston Harbor ; more than any other 
of the early seamen he brought order out of confusion, and gave 
the first clear account of the shores of New England. To this 
side of his career insufficient attention has been paid. While 
the trials of the settlements at Plymouth and Massachusetts 
Bay are known to every school-boy, the connection of Cham- 
plain with the history of the United States has often been dis- 
regarded, and he has been considered solely as the founder of 
Quebec. The exclusive attention paid to the Enghsh colonists 
has glorified Massachusetts at the expense of Maine, and one of 
the noblest names in the history of exploration has been passed 
over. 

The result has been to give an inadequate view of the char- 
acter of Champlain. As a colonizer he had in a measure the 
defects of his mihtary training. The site chosen by de Monts 
at St. Croix in 1604, largely at the instance of Champlain, 
however easy of defence as a mihtary station, was most im- 
suitable for a permanent colony. Equally unsound was his 
advice to begin settlement not on the ground where Montreal 
now stands, but on the adjacent islet of St. Helens. Even 



10 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

Quebec was chosen rather as a fur-trading post than with the 
thought of founding a great city, and Champlain's ideas of 
nation-building were less enUghtened than those of his con- 
temporary Lescarbot. (See p. 41, note.) But as an explorer 
his energy, his care, his intelligence, leave nothing to desire. 
His " three voyages are the first thoroughly intelHgible contri- 
butions to the cartography of Maine," says General Brown. 
''Gosnold and Bring had touched the coast; but their brief 
stay and imperfect and shadowy notes are to the historian 
tantaUzing and only faintly instructive," says Mr. Slafter. 
But from Cape Canso to Boston Harbor Champlam gives a 
clear account of the coast-line; his writings were soon known 
in England and in Spain, and were used by the early cartog- 
raphers of both nations. 

His observations on the manners and customs of the Indians 
are also valuable, made as they were before contact with the 
white invader had changed and darkened the character of the 
red man. Though without the lively fancy and versatile 
intelUgence of Lescarbot, he had a far wider personal knowledge 
of the savage tribes, and his account is marked with truth and 

sincerity. 

To his high moral quaUties his narrative bears witness. 
"He is particularly interesting to Americans," says a recent 
writer, ''because he is a Frenchman with those quahties which 
a wayward Enghsh tradition denies to the French — patience, 
sobriety, calm self-control, and a complete absence of vanity." 
In him the valor and the religious ardor of a crusader were un- 
suUied by the intolerance and the superstition which marked 
so many of his contemporaries. 

Canada has long honored his worth; from the rock of 
Quebec his statue looks proudly across the city which he 
founded to the north-west whose greatness he foresaw; his 
equal merit as explorer and as geographer has not yet been so 
fully recognized. 



INTRODUCTION 11 

In 1640 the edition of 1632 was reprinted. Not till 1830 
was another edition called for. In that year the same work 
was repubhshed in two volumes by the French government, 
to give work to printers thrown out of employment by the 
Revolution of July, In this the text is given without note or 
comment, and the maps and plates are omitted. In 1870 
the Abbe Laverdiere pubhshed at Quebec, under the patronage 
of the University of Laval, a complete edition in six volumes 
of the works of the explorer, which has ever since formed the 
standard edition of Champlain. It contains all his writings, 
including the Brief Discourse of his journey to the West Indies 
in 1599, which had never before been printed, and of which 
a happy chance had preserved the manuscript. It is, as Mr. 
Slafter says, ''an exact reprint, most carefully done and en- 
tirely trustworthy, while its notes are full and exceedingly 
accurate." It reproduces the drawings of the West India 
manuscript, and the maps and drawings of the printed editions 
of the other works, and contains a valuable introduction and 
appendices. The latter include the text of a letter of Cham- 
plain to Richeheu written in August, 1635, and deahng with 
various important questions of colonial policy (see p. 165). 

In 1625 an EngHsh translation of the Sauvages of 1604 was 
printed at London by Purchas in his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV., 
pp. 1605-1619. 

In 1859 the Brief Discourse of his voyage to the West Indies 
was translated by Ahce Wilmere, edited by Norton Shaw, 
and published at London by the Hakluyt Society. 

In 1878, 1880, and 1882 the Prince Society of Boston pub- 
hshed in three volumes a translation of the Journals of 1604, 
1613, and 1619 by Charles Pomeroy Otis, with a long intro- 
ductory memoir and very full historical and geographical 
notes by the Reverend Edmund F. Slafter. The maps and 
drawings are well reproduced, as are two portraits of Cham- 
plain. The translation is extremely accurate, and has been, 



12 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

with the Society's permission, used in this volume. In the one 
or two instances where I have ventured to disagree I have stated 
my reasons in a footnote. Mr. Slafter's notes are a model of 
care and thoroughness. In some cases, it will be seen, I have 
transferred them outright, and in others have reproduced his 
statements in condensed form. 

The portion of the Voyages of 1632 deahng with events 
prior to 1617 has been issued in Enghsh translation in the 
''Trail Makers" series in 1906, together with the narrative of 
the voyage of 1603 reprinted from Purchas, the whole edited 
by Professor Edward G. Bourne. 

There are many Hves of Champlain, but for the ordinary 
reader the best sketch of his career remains that given by 
Francis Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World. 
The chapter by Mr. Slafter in Vol. IV. of the Narrative and 
Critical History of America edited by Mr. Justin Winsor, con- 
tains a full bibhography. I must also acknowledge my indebt- 
edness to "Coasting Voyages in the Gulf of Maine, made in 
1604, 1605, and 1606, by Samuel Champlain," a paper by Gen- 
eral John M. Brown, pubhshed in the Collections of the Maine 
Historical Society, first series, Vol. VII. (1876) and repubhshed 
separately. I must also express my thanks to the officials 
of the British Museum and of the Toronto Pubhc Library for 
their invariable kindness and courtesy. 

W. L. Grant. 



THE VOYAGES OF SIEUR DE 
CHAMPLAIN 



THE VOYAGES OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN 

OF SAINTONGE, CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY 
TO THE KING IN THE MARINE; OR, 

A MOST FAITHFUL JOURNAL OF OBSERVATIONS 

made in the exploration of New France, describing not 
only the countries, coasts, rivers, ports, and harbors, with 
their latitudes and the various deflections of the magnetic 
needle, but likewise the religious belief of the inhabitants, 
their superstitions, mode of life and warfare; furnished 
with numerous illustrations. 

Together with two geographical maps : ^ the first for the purposes 
of navigation, adapted to the compass as used by mari- 
ners, which deflects to the north-east; the other in its true 
meridian, with longitudes and latitudes, to which is 
added the Voyage to the Strait north of Labrador, from 
the 63d to the 63d degree of latitude, discovered in 1612 
by the English when they were searching for a northerly 
course to China. 

Paris: Jean Berjon, Rue St. Jean de Beauvais, at the Flying 
Horse, and at his store in the Palace, at the Gallery of 
the Prisoners, MDCXIII. With authority of the 
King.^ 

^ The second of these maps is reproduced in this volume. The first, 
and most of the smaller maps and sketches, have been omitted. They 
may be consulted in the editions of Laverdi^re and Slafter. See the pref- 
atory note to this volume, on the maps herein reproduced, 

^ This italic heading is a translation of the title-page of the original 
printed book. 



15 



16 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

TO THE KING' 

Sire, 

Your Majesty has doubtless full knowledge of the discover- 
ies made in your service in New France, called Canada, through 
the descriptions, given by certain Captains and Pilots, of the 
voyages and discoveries made there during the past eighty 
years. These, however, present nothing so honorable to your 
Kingdom, or so profitable to the service of your Majesty and 
your subjects, as will, I doubt not, the maps of the coasts, har- 
bors, rivers, and the situation of the places described in this 
little treatise, which I make bold to address to your Majesty, 
and which is entitled a Journal of Voyages and Discoveries, 
which I have made in connection with Sieur de Monts, your 
Lieutenant in New France. This I do, feehng myself urged by 
a just sense of the honor I have received during the last ten 
years in commissions, not only. Sire, from your Majesty, but 
also from the late king, Henry the Great, of happy memory, 
who commissioned me to make the most exact researches and 
explorations in my power. This I have done, and added, 
moreover, the maps contained in this little book, where I have 
set forth in particular the dangers to which one would be hable. 
The subjects of your Majesty, whom you may be pleased here- 
after to employ for the preservation of what has been dis- 
covered, will be able to avoid those dangers through the knowl- 
edge afforded by the maps contained in this treatise, which will 
serve as an example in your kingdom for increasing the glory 
of your Majesty, the welfare of your subjects, and for the honor 
of the very humble service, for which, to the happy prolongation 
of your days, is indebted, 
Sire, 

Your most humble, most obedient, 

and most faithful servant and subject, 

Champlain. 

1 Louis XIIL, born 1601, succeeded 1610, declared of age 1614, died 1643. 



TO THE QUEEN EEGENT 17 

TO THE QUEEN REGENT/ 

Mother of the King 
Madame, 

Of all the most useful and excellent arts, that of navigation 
has always seemed to me to occupy the first place. For the 
more hazardous it is, and the more numerous the perils and 
losses by which it is attended, so much the more is it esteemed 
and exalted above all others, being wholly unsuited to the timid 
and irresolute. By this art we obtain knowledge of different 
countries, regions, and realms. By it we attract and bring to 
our own land all kinds of riches, by it the idolatry of paganism 
is overthrown and Christianity proclaimed throughout all the 
regions of the earth .^ This is the art which from my early 
age has won my love, and induced me to expose myself almost 
all my Hfe to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to 
explore the coasts of a part of America, especially of New 
France, where I have always desired to see the Lily flourish, 
and also the only religion, catholic, apostolic, and Roman. 
This I trust now to accomphsh with the help of God, assisted 
by the favor of your Majesty, whom I most humbly entreat 
to continue to sustain us, in order that all may succeed to the 
honor of God, the welfare of France, and the splendor of 
your reign, for the grandeur and prosperity of which I will 
pray God to attend you always with a thousand blessings, 
and will remain, 
Madame, 

Your most humble, most obedient, 

and most faithful servant and subject, 

Champlain.^ 

1 Marie de M6dicis, 1573-1642, widow of Henry IV., regent 1610-1614. 

^ This double aim characterized to the last the French settlements in 
North America. New France has been described as "a Jesuit mission, 
grafted on a fur-trading post." Most of the early settlements were made, 
however, not so much in view of the fur-trade, as for halting-places on the 
supposed road to Cathay and the Orient. 

^ This dedication is followed in the original by two poems in honor of 



18 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 



EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE 

By letters patent of the King, given at Paris the ninth of 
January, 1613, and in the third year of our reign, by the King 
in his Council, Perreau, and sealed with the simple yellow seal, 
it is permitted to Jean Berjon, printer and bookseller in this 
city of Paris, to print, or have printed by whomsoever it 
may seem good to him, a book entitled The Voyages of Samuel 
de Champlain of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary for the King 
in the Marine, etc., for the time and hmit of six entire con- 
secutive years, from the day when this book shall have 
been printed up to the said time of six years. By the same 
letters, in hke manner all printers, merchant booksellers, and 
any others whatever, are forbidden to print or have printed, 
to sell or distribute said book during the aforesaid time, 
without the special consent of said Berjon, or of him to whom 
he shall give permission, on pain of confiscation of so many 
of said books as shall be found, and a discretionary fine, 
as is more fully set forth in the aforesaid letters. 

Champlain, and by a table of contents. The insertion of such poems, some- 
times by the author, as in the case of Lescarbot, and sometunes by his friends, 
as here, is a frequent characteristic of these early books of travel. 
^ Used for letters patent of a temporary character or validity. 



THE VOYAGES OF 1 604-1 607 



BOOK I^ 
THE VOYAGES OF 1 604-1 607 

Chapter 1 

The benefits of commerce have induced several princes to seek an 
easier route for traffic with the people of the East, Several 
unsuccessful voyages. Determination of the French for 
this purpose. Undertaking of Sieur de Monts : his com- 
mission and its revocation. New commission to Sieur 
de Monts to enable him to continue his undertaking. 

The inclinations of men differ according to their varied 
dispositions; and each one in his calling has his particular 
end in view. Some aim at gain, some at glory, some at the 
pubhc weal. The greater number are engaged in trade, and 
especially that which is transacted on the sea. Hence arise the 
principal support of the people, the opulence and honor of 
states. This is what raised ancient Rome to the sovereignty 
and mastery over the entire world, and the Venetians to a 
grandeur equal to that of powerful kings. It has in all times 
caused maritime towns to abound in riches, among which 

* Though Book I. is not given in the original a separate title or heading, 
such as is given to Book II., the distinction between the two is broadly- 
marked in the table of contents of the original. It reads: "Book First, in 
which are described the discoveries of the coast of Acadia and Florida." 
Then follows the list of the seventeen chapters of Book I.; then, "Book 
Second, in which are described the voyages made to the great River St. 
Laurens by the Sieur de Champlain " ; then, the list of its eleven chapters. 
In other words, the first book describes the voyages of 1604-1607, the second 
those of 1608-1610 (or 1608-1612, if the second and third voyages, despite 
their separate headings and their separate series of chapters, be reckoned as 
parts of Book II.), while that of 1611 is the subject of the "Troisiesme Voy- 
age" and that of 1613 of the "Quatriesme Voyage." 

21 



22 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1496-1678 

Alexandria and Tyre are distinguished, and numerous others, 
which fill up the regions of the interior with the objects of 
beauty and rarity obtained from foreign nations. For this 
reason, many princes have striven to find a northerly route to 
China, in order to facihtate commerce with the Orientals, in the 
behef that this route would be shorter and less dangerous. 

In the year 1496, the king of England commissioned John 
Cabot and his son Sebastian to engage in this search.^ About 
the same time, Don Emanuel, king of Portugal, despatched 
on the same errand Gaspar Cortereal, who returned with- 
out attaining his object. Resuming his journeys the year 
after, he died in the undertaking; as did also his brother 
Michel, who was prosecuting it perseveringly.^ In the years 
1534 and 1535, Jacques Cartier received a Hke commission 
from King Francis I., but was arrested in his course.^ Six 
years after, Sieur de Roberval, having renewed it, sent Jean 
Alfonse of Saintonge farther northward along the coast of 
Labrador; but he returned as wise as the others.^ In the 
years 1576, 1577, and 1578, Sir Martin Frobisher, an EngHsh- 

* The first commission was granted by Henry VII. of England to John 
Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, March 5, 1496. 
The first voyage, however, was made in 1497. The second commission was 
granted to John Cabot alone, in 1498. 

Sebastian Cabot played a smaller part in these early voyages than popu- 
lar history relates, and has in large measure usurped the credit due to his 
father. See C. R. Beazley, John and Sebastian Cabot (London, 1898). 

^ Gaspar Cortereal made two voyages, the first in 1500, the second with 
three vessels in 1501. Two reached home safely, but that on which he him- 
self sailed was lost. This is the less to be regretted as he had tried to carry 
off the Labrador Indians to sell in the slave-market of Lisbon. His brother 
Miguel went in search of him in 1502 with three vessels. These reached St. 
John's, Newfoundland, in June, and separated in search of Gaspar. That 
bearing Cortereal was never again heard of. The other two reached Portu- 
gal in safety. See H. P. Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and the Cortereals 
(Paris, 1903). 

^ This does less than justice to Cartier, who explored very thoroughly the 
river and gulf of St. Lawrence as far as Montreal, and whose memoirs greatly 
assisted subsequent navigators. See Parkman, Pioneers of France in the 
New World. In 1541 he made a third expedition, under the orders of Rober- 
val. 

* Roberval's voyage was made in 1542. See Hakluyt for this, and for the 
subsequent English voyages. 



1578-1598] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 23 

man, made three voyages along the northern coasts.^ Seven 
years later, Humphrey Gilbert, also an EngHshman, set out 
with five ships, but suffered shipwreck on Sable Island, where 
three of his vessels were lost.^ In the same and two follow- 
ing years, John Davis, an EngHshman, made three voyages 
for the same object; penetrating to the 72d degree, as far as 
a strait which is called at the present day by his name. After 
him, Captain Georges made also a voyage in 1590, but in con- 
sequence of the ice was compelled to return without having 
made any discovery.^ The Hollanders, on their part, had 
no more precise knowledge in the direction of Nova Zembla. 
So many voyages and discoveries without result, and at- 
tended with so much hardship and expense, have caused us 
French in late years to attempt a permanent settlement in 
those lands which we call New France, in the hope of thus 
reahzing more easily this object; since the voyage in search 
of the desired passage commences on the other side of the 
ocean, and is made along the coast of this region. These 
considerations had induced the Marquis de la Roche, in 1598, 
to take a commission from the king for making a settlement 
in the above region. With this object, he landed men and 
suppHes on Sable Island; but, as the conditions which had 
been accorded to him by his Majesty were not fulfilled, he 

* Frobisher's voyages were partially in search of the Northwest Passage, 
partially in the hope of finding gold. He was unsuccessful in both objects. 
On all these voyages, consult Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of 
America. 

^ Gilbert's voyage to colonize Newfoundland was made in 1583. He 
went down in a storm on the return voyage to England, some days after 
leaving Sable Island. See Froude, "England's Forgotten Worthies," in his 
Short Studies on Great Subjects, or the report of the voyage written by Master 
Edward Haies, in the volume of this series entitled Early English and French 
Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt. Davis's first voyage took place in 1585. 

' There may have been a voyage by a Captain Georges, which for some 
unknown reason was never reported ; or, what is more likely, Champlain may 
refer to the voyage of Captain George Waymouth, undertaken in 1602 for the 
East India Company, which was defeated by the icebergs he encountered 
and the mutiny of his men. It was not uncommon to omit part of a name 
at that period, and Champlain may have mistaken the date, as the report of 
Wa3anouth's voyage was not printed till after Champlain wrote. (Slafter.) 



24 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1599-1603 

was obliged to abandon his undertaking, and leave his men 
there/ A year after, Captain Chauvin accepted another 
commission to transport settlers to the same region; but, as 
this was shortly after revoked, he prosecuted the matter no 
farther.^ 

After the above, notwithstanding all these accidents and 
disappointments, Sieur de Monts desired to attempt what had 
been given up in despair, and requested a commission for this 
purpose of his Majesty, being satisfied that the previous 
enterprises had failed because the undertakers of them had 
not received assistance, who had not succeeded, in one nor 
even two years' time, in making the acquaintance of the regions 
and people there, nor in finding harbors adapted for a settle- 
ment. He proposed to his Majesty a means for covering these 
expenses, without drawing any thing from the royal revenues ; 
viz., by granting to him the monopoly of the fur-trade in this 
land. This having been granted to him, he made great and 
excessive outlays, and carried out with him a large number 
of men of various vocations. Upon his arrival, he caused 
the necessary number of habitations for his followers to be 
constructed. This expenditure he continued for three consecu- 
tive years, after which, in consequence of the jealousy and 
annoyance of certain Basque merchants, together with some 
from Brittany, the monopoly which had been granted to him 
was revoked by the Council to the great injury and loss of Sieur 
de Monts, who, in consequence of this revocation, was com- 
pelled to abandon his entire undertaking, sacrificing his labors 
and the outfit for his settlement. 

But since a report had been made to the king on the fer- 
tihty of the soil by him, and by me on the feasibihty of dis- 

* De la Roche's crew were a set of jail-birds. He landed some forty of 
them temporarily on Sable Island, and went on to find a site for a permanent 
settlement. A storm carried him back to France, where he was imprisoned 
by an old enemy. The convicts quarrelled and slew each other till only 
twelve remained, who were brought back to France in 1603, and pardoned 
by Henry IV. in pity for their sufferings. 

^ Chauvin made two voyages in 1599 and 1600, in company with Pont 
Grav6 (see Introduction). 



1603-1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 25 

covering the passage to China, without the inconveniences 
of the ice of the north or the heats of the torrid zone, through 
which our sailors pass twice in going and twice in returning, 
with inconceivable hardships and risks, his Majesty directed 
Sieur de Monts to make a new outfit, and send men to continue 
what he had commenced. This he did. And, in view of the 
uncertainty of his commission,^ he chose a new spot for his 
settlement, in order to deprive jealous persons of any such dis- 
trust as they had previously conceived. He was also influenced 
by the hope of greater advantages in case of settling in the 
interior, where the people are civihzed, and where it is easier 
to plant the Christian faith and estabhsh such order as is nec- 
essary for the protection of a coimtry, than along the sea- 
shore, where the savages generally dwell. From this course, 
he beheved the king would derive an inestimable profit; for 
it is easy to suppose that Europeans will seek out this advan- 
tage rather than those of a jealous and intractable disposition 
to be found on the shores, and the barbarous tribes. 



Chapter 2 

Description of Sahle Island; Cape Breton; La Heve; Port au 
Mouton; Port Cape Negre; Sable Bay and Cape; Cor- 
morant Island; Cape Fourchu; Long Island; Bay of 
Saint Mary; Port Saint Margaret; and of all noteworthy 
objects along this coast. 

Sieur de Monts, by virtue of his commission ^ having pub- 
hshed in all the ports and harbors of this kingdom the prohi- 
bition against the violation of the monopoly of the fur-trade 
accorded him by his Majesty, gathered together about one 

^ This refers to the commission of 1608, granted after the revocation of 
that of 1603. See its text in book ii., chap, i., below. 

^ This commission was issued on November 8, 1603, and is given by 
Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, book iv. ; in English translation by 
Williamson, History of Maine, I. 651, and Murdoch, History of Nova Scotia, I. 
21 ; and in both French and English in Baird, Huguenot Emigration, I. 341. 



26 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

hundred and twenty artisans, whom he embarked in two vessels : 
one of a hundred and twenty tons, commanded by Sieur de 
Pont Grave; another, of a hundred and fifty tons, in which 
he embarked himself, together with several noblemen. 

We set out from Havre de Grace April 7, 1604, and Pont 
Grave April 10, to rendezvous at Canseau,^ twenty leagues ^ 
from Cape Breton.^ But, after we were in mid-ocean, Sieur 
de Monts changed his plan, and directed his course towards 
Port Mouton,* it being more southerly and also more favor- 
able for landing than Canseau. 

On May 1, we sighted Sable Island, where we ran a risk 
of being lost in consequence of the error of our pilots, who 
were deceived in their calculation, which they made forty 
leagues ahead of where we were. 

This island is thirty leagues distant north and south from 
Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues.^ It con- 
tains a small lake. The island is very sandy, and there are 
no trees at all of considerable size, only copse and herbage, 
which serve as pasturage for the bullocks and cows, which 
the Portuguese carried there more than sixty years ago, and 
which were very serviceable to the party of the Marquis de la 
Roche. The latter, during their sojourn of several years 
there, captured a large number of very fine black foxes, whose 

* The harbor of Canso on the northeast coast of Nova Scotia. The name 
is also given to an island in the neighborhood, and to the strait separating 
the island of Cape Breton from Nova Scotia. 

' The league (Fr. lieue) varied in length in different localities and at 
different dates. In Champlain and Lescarbot it is roughly equivalent to two 
English miles. 

^ This cape, which later gave its name to the whole island, probably 
took its name from the fishermen of Brittany, who frequented the region in 
search of cod since about 1504. Others suppose it to have been named by 
the Basque fishermen in memory of Cape Breton on the southwest coast of 
France, north of Bayonne. 

* Still so called. It derives its name from a sheep (moiUon) which on this 
voyage fell overboard and was drowned. 

* It is now about twenty miles in length by one in breadth, and owing 
to the action of wind and wave tends to decrease in size, in spite of the efforts 
of the Canadian government. Its long record of disastrous wrecks has won 
it the name of " the graveyard of the Atlantic." 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 27 

skins they carefully preserved. There are many sea-wolves ^ 
there, with the skins of which they clothed themselves since 
they had exhausted their own stock of garments. By order 
of the Pa,rhamentary Court of Rouen, a vessel was sent there 
to recover them. The directors of the enterprise caught cod- 
fish near the island, the neighborhood of which abounds in 
shoals. 

On the 8th of the same month, we sighted Cap de la Heve,^ 
to the east of which is a bay, containing several islands cov- 
ered with fir-trees. On the main land are oaks, elms, and 
birches. It joins the coast of La Cadie at the latitude of 44° 5", 
and at 16° 15' of the deflection of the magnetic needle,^ distant 
east-north-east eighty-five leagues from Cape Breton, of which 
we shall speak hereafter. 

On the 12th of May, we entered another port, five leagues 
from Cap de la Heve, where we captured a vessel engaged 
in the fur-trade in violation of the king's prohibition. The 
master's name was Rossignol, whose name the port retained,* 
which is in latitude 44° 15'. 

On the 13th of May, we arrived at a very fine harbor, where 
there are two Httle streams, called Port au Mouton, which is 
seven leagues distant from that of Rossignol. The land is very 
stony, and covered with copse and heath. There are a great 
many rabbits, and a quantity of game in consequence of the 
ponds there. 

As soon as we had disembarked, each one commenced 
making huts after his fashion, on a point at the entrance of 

^ I.e., seals. 

^ Still so called from Cap de la Heve in Normandy, a little north of Havre 
de Grace, their point of embarkation. The harbor is that now called Pahner- 
ston Bay at the mouth of Petit River, in about 44° 15'. Many of the 
latitudes and longitudes given by Champlain are only approximately 
correct. 

^ Before the invention of the chronometer, longitudes could not be 
accurately determined. Champlain's practice is to give the declination of 
the needle from the true north, as a means of obtaining the longitude. His 
explanation of his system may be seen in the Prince Society's edition, III. 
219-224. 

* Now Liverpool. A lake in the interior still bears the name of Rossignol. 



28 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

the harbor near two fresh- water ponds. Sieur de Monts at 
the same time despatched a shallop, in which he sent one of 
us, with some savages as guides, as bearers of letters, along the 
coast of La Cadie, to search for Pont Grave, who had a por- 
tion of the necessary supphes for our winter sojourn. The 
latter was found at the Bay of All-Isles,^ very anxious about 
us (for he knew nothing of the change of plan) ; and the letters 
were handed to him. As soon as he had read them, he returned 
to his ship at Canseau, where he seized some Basque vessels 
engaged in the fur-trade, notwithstanding the prohibition of 
his Majesty, and sent their masters to Sieur de Monts, who 
meanwhile charged me to reconnoitre the coast and the har- 
bors suitable for the secure reception of our vessel. 

With the purpose of carrying out his wishes, I set out from 
Port Mouton on the 19th of May, in a barque of eight tons, 
accompanied by Sieur Ralleau, his secretary, and ten men. 
Advancing along the coast, we entered a harbor very con- 
venient for vessels, at the end of which is a small river, ex- 
tending very far into the main land. This I called the Port of 
Cape Negro, from a rock whose distant view resembles a 
negro, which rises out of the water near a cape passed by us 
the same day, four leagues off and ten from Port Mouton. 
This cape is very dangerous, on account of the rocks run- 
ning out into the sea. The shores which I saw, up to that point, 
are very low, and covered with such wood as that seen at the 
Cap de la Heve; and the islands are all filled with game. 
Going farther on, we passed the night at Sable Bay,^ where 
vessels can anchor without any danger. 

The next day we went to Cape Sable, also very danger- 
ous, in consequence of certain rocks and reefs extending 
almost a league into the sea. It is two leagues from Sable 
Bay, where we had spent the night before. Thence we went 

^ It was the bay, or rather the waters, that stretch along the shores of 
Halifax County, between Owl's Head and Liscomb River. (Slafter.) 

^ Near Cape Sable Island, at what is now known as Barrington Harbor. 
(Laverdiere.) The reader should be warned not to confuse Sable Island, 
lying some one hundred miles off the coast, with Cape Sable Island, at the 
southeast extremity of Nova Scotia. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 29 

to Cormorant Island/ a league distant, so called from the 
infinite number of cormorants found there, of whose eggs 
we collected a cask full. From this island, we sailed westerly 
about six leagues, crossing a bay, which makes up to the 
north two or three leagues. Then we fell in with several 
islands^ distant two or three leagues from the main land; and, 
as well as I could judge, some of them were two leagues in 
extent, others three, and others were still smaller. Most of 
them are very dangerous for large vessels to approach, on 
account of the tides and the rocks on a level with the water. 
These islands are filled with pines, firs, birches, and aspens. 
A httle farther out, there are four more. In one, we saw so 
great a quantity of birds, called penguins,^ that we killed 
them easily with sticks. On another, we found the shore com- 
pletely covered with sea-wolves, of which we captured as 
many as we wished. At the two others there is such an 
abundance of birds of different sorts that one could not im- 
agine it, if he had not seen them. There are cormorants, 
three kinds of duck, geese, marmettesf, bustards, sea-parrots, 
snipe, vultures, and other birds of prey; gulls, sea-larks of 
two or three kinds; herons, large sea-gulls, curlews, sea-mag- 
pies, divers, ospreys, appoils ?, ravens, cranes, and other sorts 
which I am not acquainted with, and which also make their 
nests here. We named these Sea- Wolf Islands. They are in 
latitude 43° 30 ', distant from four to five leagues from the 
main land, or Cape Sable. After spending pleasantly some 
time there in hunting (and not without capturing much 
game), we set out and reached a cape, which we christened 
Port Fourchu^ from its being fork-shaped, distant from five 
to six leagues from the Sea-Wolf Islands. This harbor is 
very convenient for vessels at its entrance; but its remoter 
part is entirely dry at low tide, except the channel of a httle 

' Probably Hope Island. ^ The Tusket or Tousquet Islands. 

^ The great auk, now extinct. Champlain gave to the birds, beasts, 
and flowers of North America the names of the European varieties most 
closely resembling them. 

* StiU so called. 



30 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

stream, completely bordered by meadows, which make this 
spot very pleasant. There is good codfishing near the harbor. 
Departing from there, we sailed north ten or twelve leagues 
without finding any harbor for our vessels, but a number of 
very fine inlets or shores, where the soil seems to be well 
adapted for cultivation. The woods are exceedingly fine 
here, but there are few pines and firs. This coast is clear, 
without islands, rocks, or shoals; so that, in our judgment, 
vessels can securely go there. Being distant quarter of a 
league from the coast, we went to an island called Long Island, 
lying north-north-east and south-south-west, which makes 
an opening into the great Baye Frangoise,^ so named by Sieur 
de Monts. 

This island is six leagues long, and nearly a league broad 
in some places, in others only quarter of a league. It is cov- 
ered with an abundance of wood, such as pines and birch. 
All the coast is bordered by very dangerous rocks ; and there 
is no place at all favorable for vessels, only httle inlets for 
shallops at the extremity of the island, and three or four 
small rocky islands, where the savages capture many sea- 
wolves. There are strong tides, especially at the little passage 
of the island, which is very dangerous for vessels running the 
risk of passing through it. 

From Long Island passage, we sailed north-east two leagues, 
when we found a cove where vessels can anchor in safety, 
and which is quarter of a league or thereabouts in circuit. 
The bottom is all mire, and the surrounding land is bordered 
by very high rocks. In this place there is a very good silver 
mine, according to the report of the miner. Master Simon, 
who accompanied me. Some leagues farther on, there is a 
little stream called River Boulay^ where the tide rises half a 
league into the land, at the mouth of which vessels of a hundred 
tons can easily ride at anchor. Quarter of a league from here 
there is a good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron 

^ The Bay of Fundy. Early English maps call it Argall's Bay, after the 
captor of Port Royal in 1614. The origin of its present name is doubtful. 
^ Now known as Sandy Cove. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 31 

mine, which our miner estimated would yield fifty per cent/ 
Advancing three leagues farther on to the north-east, we saw 
another very good iron mine, near which is a river surrounded 
by beautiful and attractive meadows. The neighboring soil 
is red as blood. Some leagues farther on there is still another 
river, dry at low tide, except in its very small channel, and 
which extends near to Port Royal. At the extremity of this 
bay is a channel, also dry at low tide, surrounding which are a 
number of pastures and good pieces of land for cultivation, 
where there are nevertheless great numbers of fine trees of all 
the kinds previously mentioned. The distance from Long 
Island to the end of this bay may be some six leagues. The 
entire coast of the mines is very high, intersected by capes, 
which appear round, extending out a short distance. On the 
other side of the bay, on the south-east, the land is low and 
good, where there is a very good harbor, having a bank at its 
entrance over which it is necessary to pass. On this bar there 
is a fathom and a haK of water at low tide ; but after passing 
it you find three, with good bottoms. Between the two points 
of the harbor there is a pebbly islet, covered at full tide. This 
place extends half a league inland. The tide falls here three 
fathoms, and there are many shell-fish, such as muscles, cockles, 
and sea-snails. The soil is as good as any that I have seen. 
I named this harbor Saint Margaret.^ This entire south-east 
coast is much lower than that of the mines, which is only a 
league and a haK from the coast of Saint Margaret, being 
separated by the breadth of the bay, which is three leagues at 
its entrance. I took the altitude at this place, and found the 
latitude 45° 30', and a little more, the deflection of the magnetic 
needle being 17° 16'. 

After having explored as particularly as I could the coasts, 
ports, and harbors, I returned, without advancing any farther, 
to Long Island passage, whence I went back outside of all the 
islands in order to observe whether there was any danger at 

^ This and the above mentioned silver-mine afterwards proved of little 
value. Lescarbot, book iv., ch. iii. 
' Now Weymouth Harbor. 



32 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN" [1604 

all on the water side. But we found none whatever, except 
there were some rocks about half a league from Sea- Wolf 
Islands, which, however, can be easily avoided, since the sea 
breaks over them. Continuing our voyage, we were overtaken 
by a violent wind, which obhged us to run our barque ashore, 
where we were in danger of losing her, which would have 
caused us extreme perplexity. The tempest having ceased, 
we resumed the sea, and the next day reached Port Mouton, 
where Sieur de Monts was awaiting us from day to day, think- 
ing only of our long stay, and whether some accident had not 
befallen us. I made a report to him of our voyage and where 
our vessels might go in safety. Meanwhile, I observed very 
particularly that place which is in latitude 44°. 

The next day Sieur de Monts gave orders to weigh anchor 
and proceed to the Bay of Saint Mary, a place which we 
had found to be suitable for our vessel to remain in, imtil we 
should be able to find one more advantageous. Coasting 
along, we passed near Cape Sable and the Sea- Wolf Islands, 
whither Sieur de Monts decided to go in a shallop, and see 
some islands of which we had made a report to him, as also 
of the countless number of birds found there. Accordingly, 
he set out, accompanied by Sieur de Poutrincourt,^ and several 
other noblemen, with the intention of going to Penguin 
Island, where we had previously killed with sticks a large 
number of these birds. Being somewhat distant from our 
ship, it was not in our power to reach it, and still less to 
reach our vessel; for the tide was so strong that we were 
compelled to put in at a Uttle island to pass the night, where 
there was much game. I killed there some river-birds, which 
were very acceptable to us, especially as we had taken only a 
few biscuit, expecting to return the same day. The next 
day we reached Cape Fourchu, distant haK a league from there. 

* This nobleman was granted by de Monts the seigneury of Port Royal 
(see p. 44) and endeavored to found a colony there. He became embroiled 
with the Jesuits, and his attempt proved a failure. He was killed in France 
in 1615 during the civil war which followed the death of Henry IV. See 
Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, books iv. and v. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 33 

Coasting along, we found our vessel in the Bay of Saint Mary. 
Our company were very anxious about us for two days, fear- 
ing lest some misfortune had befallen us ; but, when they saw 
us all safe, they were much rejoiced. 

Two or three days after our arrival, one of our priests, 
named Messire Aubry from Paris, got lost so completely in the 
woods while going after his sword, which he had forgotten, 
that he could not find the vessel. And he was thus seventeen 
days without anything to subsist upon except some sour and 
bitter plants hke the sorrel, and some small fruit of little 
substance large as currants,^ which creep upon the ground. 
Being at his wits' end, without hope of ever seeing us again, 
weak and feeble, he found himself on the shore of Baye Fran- 
goise, thus named by Sieur de Monts, near Long Island, where 
his strength gave out, when one of our shallops out fishing 
discovered him. Not being able to shout to them, he made 
a sign with a pole, on the end of which he had put his hat, 
that they should go and get him. This they did at once, and 
brought him off. Sieur de Monts had caused a search to be 
made not only by his own men, but also by the savages of 
those parts, who scoured all the woods, but brought back 
no intelligence of him. Beheving him to be dead, they all saw 
him coming back in the shallop to their great delight.^ A long 
time was needed to restore him to his usual strength. 

^ The partridge-berry, with its scarlet berries. (Slafter.) 
^ De Monts was the more glad to see him, as a Protestant with whom 
he had quarrelled lay under suspicion of having murdered him. 



34 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 



Chapter 3 

Description of Port Royal and the peculiarities of the same. Isle 
Haute. Port of Mines. Baye Francoise. The River 
St. John, and what we observed between the Port of Mines 
and the same. The island called by the savages Manthane. 
The river of the Etechemins, and several fine islands there. 
St. Croix Island, and other noteworthy objects on this 
coast. 

Some days after, Sieur de Monts decided to go and exam- 
ine the coasts of Baye Frangoise. For this purpose, he set out 
from the vessel on the 16th of May,^ and we went through the 
strait of Long Island, Not having found in St. Mary's Bay 
any place in which to fortify ourselves except at the cost of 
much time, we accordingly resolved to see whether there might 
not be a more favorable one in the other bay. Heading north- 
east six leagues, there is a cove where vessels can anchor in 
four, five, six, and seven fathoms^ of water. The bottom is 
sandy. This place is only a kind of roadstead.^ Continuing 
two leagues farther on in the same direction, we entered one of 
the finest harbors I had seen along all these coasts, in which' 
two thousand vessels might lie in security. The entrance is 
eight hundred paces broad ; then you enter a harbor two leagues 
long and one broad, which I have named Port Royal.^ Three 

* For May read June. It could not have been in May, since Champlain 
set out from Port Mouton on his exploring expedition on May 19, which must 
have been a month previous to this. (Slafter.) See also p. 37, note 2. 

^The French fathom (brasse) is of five feet in length. The modern 
English fathom is six. In earlier times it varied from five to six. 

^ Gulliver's Hole, about two leagues south-west of Digby Strait. (Slaf- 
ter.) 

* Now Annapolis Basin. The first settlement was on the north side of 
the bay in the present hamlet of Lower Granville, not, as often alleged, at 
Annapolis. (Slafter.) 

Lescarbot, book iv., ch. iii., refers to this passage, and accuses Champlain 
of unjustly claiming credit for the name, whose choice was really due to de 
Monts. However, Champlain retains the passage unchanged in his edition of 
1632. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 35 

rivers empty into it, one of which is very large, extending east- 
ward, and called Riviere de TEquille,^ from a little fish of the 
size of an esplanf, which is caught there in large numbers, 
as is also the herring, and several other kinds of fish found in 
abundance in their season. This river is nearly a quarter of a 
league broad at its entrance, where there is an island ^ per- 
haps half a league in circuit, and covered with wood like all the 
rest of the country, as pines, firs, spruces, birches, aspens, and 
some oaks, although the latter are found in small numbers in 
comparison with the other kinds. There are two entrances to 
the above river, one on the north, the other on the south side 
of the island. That on the north is the better, and vessels can 
there anchor under shelter of the island in five, six, seven, eight, 
and nine fathoms. But it is necessary to be on one's guard 
against some shallows near the island on the one side, and the 
main land on the other, very dangerous, if one does not know 
the channel. 

We ascended the river some fourteen or fifteen leagues, 
where the tide rises, and it is not navigable much farther. 
It has there a breadth of sixty paces, and about a fathom and 
a haK of water. The country bordering the river is filled with 
numerous oaks, ashes, and other trees. Between the mouth of 
the river and the point to which we ascended there are many 
meadows, which are flooded at the spring tides, many Httle 
streams traversing them from one side to the other, through 
which shallops and boats can go at full tide. This place was 
the most favorable and agreeable for a settlement that we had 
seen. There is another island ^ within the port, distant nearly 
two leagues from the former. At this point is another httle 
stream, extending a considerable distance inland, which we 

The present Annapolis occupies the site of a French fort estabhshed later 
by d'Aulnay de Charnise. See Parkman, The Old Regime in Canada, vol. I. 

^ Its name was soon after changed to Riviere du Dauphin. It is now the 
Annapolis River. 

^ Lescarbot calls it Biencourville. It is now called Goat Island. (La- 
verdiere.) 

^ Bear Island, a name perhaps derived from the French name of He 
d'Hebert, or d'lmbert. (Laverdiere.) 



36 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

named Riviere St. Antoine/ Its mouth is distant from the 
end of the Bay of St. Mary some four leagues through the woods. 
The remaining river is only a small stream filled with rocks, 
which cannot be ascended at all on account of the small amount 
of water, and which has been named Rocky Brook.^ This 
place is in latitude ^45°; and 17° 8' of the deflection of the 
magnetic needle. 

After having explored this harbor, we set out to advance 
farther on in Baye Frangoise, and see whether we could not 
find the copper mine, which had been discovered the year 
before. Heading north-east, and sailing eight or ten leagues 
along the coast of Port Royal,* we crossed a part of the bay 
some five or six leagues in extent, when we arrived at a place 
which we called the Cape of Two Bays ; ^ and we passed by 
an island * a league distant therefrom, a league also in circuit, 
rising up forty or forty-five fathoms.'^ It is wholly surrounded 
by great rocks, except in one place, which is sloping, at the 
foot of which slope there is a pond of salt water, coming from 
under a pebbly point, having the form of a spur. The sur- 
face of the island is flat, covered with trees, and containing 
a fine spring of water. In this place is a copper mine. Thence 
we proceeded to a harbor a league and a half distant, where we 
supposed the copper mine was, which a certain Prevert^ of 
St. Malo had discovered by aid of the savages of the country. 
This port is in latitude 45° 40', and is dry at low tide." In 
order to enter it, it is necessary to place beacons, and mark 
out a sand-bank at the entrance, which borders a channel 
that extends along the main land. Then you enter a bay nearly 

* Bear River. 

^ On modern maps called Moose Brook, and sometimes Deep Brook. 
(Slafter.) 

3 44° 39' 30''. 

* I.e., along the Bay of Fundy, nearly parallel to the basin of Port Royal. 
(Slafter.) 

* Cape Chignecto. * Isle Haute. '' roise= six feet. 

* Captain of one of the two ships sent out by de Chastes in 1603. 

' Advocate's Harbor. The tides, which here rise to a height of forty 
feet, have since Champlain's time carried away the sand bank which he 
mentions, and made other changes in the topography. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 37 

a league in length, and half a league in breadth. In some 
places, the bottom is oozy and sandy, where vessels may get 
aground. The sea falls and rises there to the extent of four 
or five fathoms. We landed to see whether we could find the 
mines which Pre vert had reported to us. Having gone about 
a quarter of a league along certain mountains, we found none, 
nor did we recognize any resemblance to the description of the 
harbor he had given us. Accordingly, he had not himself been 
there, but probably two or three of his men had been 
there, guided by some savages, partly by land and partly by 
Httle streams, while he awaited them in his shallop at the 
mouth of a httle river in the Bay of St. Lawrence.^ These 
men, upon their return, brought him several small pieces of 
copper, which he showed us when he returned from his voyage. 
Nevertheless, we found in this harbor two mines of what 
seemed to be copper, according to the report of our miner, 
who considered it very good, although it was not native 
copper. 

The head of the Baye Frangoise, which we crossed, is 
fifteen leagues inland. All the land which we have seen in 
coasting along from the httle passage of Long Island is rocky, 
and there is no place except Port Royal where vessels can he 
in safety. The land is covered with pines and birches, and, 
in my opinion, is not very good. 

On the 20th of May,^ we set out from the Port of Mines 
to seek a place adapted for a permanent stay, in order to lose 
no time, purposing afterwards to retiirn, and see if we could 
discover the mine of pure copper which Pre vert's men had 
found by aid of the savages. We sailed west two leagues as far 
as the cape of the two bays, then north five or six leagues; 
and we crossed the other bay,^ where we thought the copper 
mine was, of which we have already spoken: inasmuch as 

* Most early geographers distinguished between the Bay and the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence, The Bay of St. Lawrence included the southern portion 
of the gulf, from Cape Rosier to Canso, including Prince Edward Island, 
Cape Breton, and the Magdalen Islands. (Laverdiere.) 

^ June, see p. 34, note 1. 

^ Chignecto Bay, later called Beaubassin by the French. 



38 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

there are there two rivers/ the one coming from the direction 
of Cape Breton, and the other from Gaspe or Tregatte/ near 
the great river St. Lawrence. Sailing west some six leagues, 
we arrived at a httle river/ at the mouth of which is rather a 
low cape, extending out into the sea ; and a short distance in- 
land there is a mountain,^ having the shape of a cardinal's hat. 
In this place we found an iron mine. There is anchorage here 
only for shallops. Four leagues west-south-west is a rocky 
point ^ extending out a short distance into the water, where 
there are strong tides which are very dangerous. Near the 
point we saw a cove about half a league in extent, in which 
we found another iron mine, also very good. Four leagues 
farther on is a fine bay running up into the main land,^ at 
the extremity of which there are three islands and a rock, two 
of which are a league from the cape towards the west, and the 
other is at the mouth of the largest and deepest river we had 
yet seen, which we named the river St. John, because it was 
on this saint's day that we arrived there.' By the savages it is 
called Ouygoudy.^ This river is dangerous, if one does not 
observe carefully certain points and rocks on the two sides. 
It is narrow at its entrance, and then becomes broader. 
A certain point being passed, it becomes narrower again, and 
forms a kind of fall between two large cUffs, where the water 
runs so rapidly that a piece of wood thrown in is drawn under 
and not seen again. But by waiting till high tide you can 
pass this fall very easily.^ Then it expands again to the ex- 
tent of about a league in some places, where there are three 
islands. We did not explore it farther up. But Ralleau, 
secretary of Sieur de Monts, went there some time after to see 

* Cumberland Basin, and the Petitcodiac River, New Brunswick. 
(Slafter.) 

^ Tracadie. ^ Quaco River. •* Porcupine Mountain. 

' McCoy's Head. « The Bay of St. John, N.B. 

^ I.e., June 24, the feast-day of St. John Baptist. Another proof that 
May, pp. 34 and 37, is a misprint. 

* In reality this was the name which the Indians applied to the camp- 
ing-ground on Navy Island, rather than to the river. 

* The fall at the mouth of the St. John can in fact only be passed at about 
half tide. The waters of the river at low tide are about twelve feet higher 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 39 

a savage named Secondon/ chief of this river, who reported 
that it was beautiful, large, and extensive, with many meadows 
and fine trees, as oaks, beeches, walnut-trees, and also wild 
grape-vines. The inhabitants of the country go by this river 
to Tadoussac, on the great river St. Lawrence, making but 
a short portage on the journey. From the river St. John to 
Tadoussac is sixty-five leagues.^ At its mouth, which is in 
latitude 45° 40', there is an iron mine. 

From the river St. John we went to four islands,^ on one 
of which we landed, and found great numbers of birds called 
magpies, of which we captured many small ones, which are 
as good as pigeons. Sieur de Poutrincourt came near getting 
lost here, but he came back to our barque at last, when we 
had already gone to search for him about the island, which is 
three leagues distant from the main land. Farther west 
are other islands; among them one six leagues in length, 
called by the savages Manthane,^ south of which there are 
"among the islands several good harbors for vessels. From 
the Magpie Islands we proceeded to a river on the main land 
called the river of the Etechemins,^ a tribe of savages so 
called in their country. We passed by so many islands that 
we could not ascertain their number, which were very fine. 
Some were two leagues in extent, others three, others more 
or less. All of these islands are in a bay,® having, in my 
estimation, a circuit of more than fifteen leagues. There 

than the waters of the sea. At high tide the waters of the sea are about five 
feet higher than the waters of the river. Consequently, at low tide there is a 
fall outward, and at high tide there is a fall inward, at neither of which times 
can the fall be passed. (Slafter.) 

Twice at each tide, for about twenty minutes, the waters are level, and 
ships can sail through the gorge. 

* Lescarbot spells it Chkoudun. 

=> From the mouth of the St. John to Tadoussac is in direct line about 
two hundred and forty miles, but by the winding course of the St. John it 
would be much greater. 

^ These are now called the Wolves, near the mouth of Passamaquoddy 
Bay. (Slafter.) 

* The Grand Manan, or Menane. 

" The St. Croix River, sometimes called the Schoodic. 

* Passamaquoddy Bay. 



40 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

are many good places capable of containing any number of 
vessels, and abounding in fish in the season, such as codfish, 
salmon, bass, herring, haUbut, and other kinds in great num- 
bers. Sailing west-north-west three leagues through the 
islands, we entered a river almost half a league in breadth at 
its mouth, saihng up which a league or two we found two 
islands: one very small near the western bank; and the 
other in the middle, having a circumference of perhaps eight 
or nine hundred paces, with rocky sides three or four fathoms 
high all around, except in one small place, where there is a 
sandy point and clayey earth adapted for making brick and 
other useful articles. There is another place affording a 
shelter for vessels from eighty to a hundred tons, but it is 
dry at low tide. The island is covered with firs, birches, 
maples, and oaks. It is by nature very well situated, except 
in one place, where for about forty paces it is lower than 
elsewhere: this, however, is easily fortified, the banks of the 
main land being distant on both sides some nine hundred to a 
thousand paces. Vessels could pass up the river only at the 
mercy of the cannon on this island, and we deemed the loca- 
tion the most advantageous, not only on account of its situa- 
tion and good soil, but also on account of the intercourse 
which we proposed with the savages of these coasts and of 
the interior, as we should be in the midst of them. We 
hoped to pacify them in the course of time and put an end 
to the wars which they carry on with one another, so as to 
derive service from them in future, and convert them to the 
Christian faith. This place was named by Sieur de Monts 
the Island of St. Croix .^ Farther on, there is a great bay, in 

* I.e., Holy Cross ; on account of the physical configuration which he 
goes on to describe. 

The island has of recent years commonly been called Dochet Island, but 
at the celebration of the three-hundredth anniversary of its settlement it was 
resolved that it be henceforth called St. Croix Island. See the Maine Histori- 
cal Society's well-illustrated volume, Tercentenary of De Monts' Settlement 
at St. Croix Island, June 25, 1904 (Portland, 1905). 

In 1796 and 1797 the vexed question between the British and American 
boundary commissioners, appointed in virtue of the Jay Treaty of 1794, 
as to which river was really the Saint Croix, was set at rest by the dis- 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 41 

which are two islands, one high and the other flat ; also three 
rivers, two of moderate size, one extending towards the east, 
the other towards the north, and the third of large size, towards 
the west/ The latter is that of the Etechemins, of which we 
spoke before. Two leagues up this there is a waterfall, around 
which the savages carry their canoes some five hundred paces 
by land, and then re-enter the river. Passing afterwards from 
the river a short distance overland, one reaches the rivers 
Norumbegue ^ and St. John. But the falls are impassable 
for vessels, as there are only rocks and but four or five feet of 
water. In May and June, so great a number of herring and 
bass are caught there that vessels could be loaded with them. 
The soil is of the finest sort, and there are fifteen or twenty 
acres of cleared land, where Sieur de Monts had some wheat 
sown, which flourished finely. The savages come here some- 
times five or six weeks during the fishing season. All the rest 
of the country consists of very dense forests. If the land were 
cleared up, grain would flourish excellently. This place is in 
latitude 45° 20', and 17° 32' of the deflection of the magnetic 
needle.^ 

covery of the outlines of De Monts' original fortifications. See Moore's 
International Arbitrations, ch. i., and Ganong's illustrated monograph on 
Dochet Island in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, second series, 
vol. VIII. 

However suitable from a military point of view, or as a trading post, the 
situation was extremely ill-chosen for a permanent and self-supporting colony. 
This was clearly seen by Lescarbot, whose ideas on colonization are far in 
advance of those of his time. " I attach little importance to mines," he says. 
"The true mine for the settler is waving wheat and grazing cattle." 

* Warwig Creek from the east, Oak Bay from the north, and the river 
of the Etechemins, now called the St. Croix, from tlje west. 

^ The Penobscot, reached by way of the Mattawamkeag. Laverdi^re 
supposes the Norumbegue to be the Bay of Fundy. 

^ The true latitude is 45° 8' N., the present deflection of the needle 
somewhat more than 18° 30'. (Ganong.) 



42 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 



Chapter 4 

Sieur de Monts, finding no other place better adapted for a per- 
manent settlement than the island of St. Croix, fortifies 
it and builds dwellings. Return of the vessels to France, 
and of Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, for the sake of 
arranging some business affairs. 

Not finding any more suitable place than this island, we 
commenced making a barricade on a little islet a short distance 
from the main island, which served as a station for placing our 
cannon. All worked so energetically that in a httle while 
it was put in a state of defence, although the mosquitoes 
(which are httle flies) annoyed us excessively in our work. 
For there were several of our men whose faces were so swol- 
len by their bites that they could scarcely see. The barri- 
cade being finished, Sieur de Monts sent his barque to notify 
the rest of oiu* party, who were with our vessel in the bay of 
St. Mary, to come to St. Croix. This was promptly done, 
and while awaiting them we spent our time very pleasantly. 

Some days after, our vessels having arrived and anchored, 
all disembarked. Then, without losing time, Sieur de Monts 
proceeded to employ the workmen in building houses for our 
abode, and allowed me to determine the arrangement of our 
settlement.^ After Sieur de Monts had determined the place 

* The following explanation of the accompanying map of the " Habita- 
tion de risle Ste. Croix " is given by Champlain : 

"A. Dwelling of Sieur de Monts. B. Public building where we spent our 
time when it rained. C. The storehouse. D. Dwelling of the guard. E. The 
blacksmith shop. F. Dwelling of the carpenters. G. The well. H. The 
oven where the bread was made. /. Kitchen. L. Gardens. M. Other gar- 
dens. N. Place in the centre where a tree stands. 0. Palisade. P. Dwell- 
ings of the Sieurs d'Orville, Champlain, and Champdore. Q. Dwelling of 
Sieur Boulay, and other artisans. R. Dwelling where the Sieurs de Genestou, 
Sourin, and other artisans lived. T. Dwelling of the Sieurs de Beaumont, la 
Motte Bourioli, and Fougeray. V. Dwelling of our curate. X. Other gar- 
dens. Y. The river surrounding the island." Cf. the map in Early English 
and French Voyages, p. 412. In 1904 a commemorative tablet was set up, 
to mark the site of the settlement. 



S- 




1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 43 

for the storehouse, which is nine fathoms long, three wide, 
and twelve feet high, he adopted the plan for his own house, 
which he had promptly built by good workmen, and then 
assigned to each one his location. Straightway, the men 
began to gather together by fives and sixes, each according 
to his desire. Then all set to work to clear up the island, to 
go to the woods, to make the frame-work, to carry earth and 
other things necessary for the buildings. 

While we were building our houses, Sieur de Monts de- 
spatched Captain Fouques in the vessel of Rossignol,^ to find 
Pont Grave at Canseau, in order to obtain for our settlement 
what supplies remained. 

Some time after he had set out, there arrived a small barque 
of eight tons, in which was Du Glas of Honfleur, pilot of Pont 
Grave's vessel, bringing the Basque ship-masters, who had 
been captured by the above Pont Grave while engaged in the 
fur-trade, as we have stated. Sieur de Monts received them 
civilly, and sent them back by the above Du Glas to Pont 
Grave, with orders for him to take the vessels he had captured 
to Rochelle, in order that justice might be done. Meanwhile, 
work on the houses went on vigorously and without cessation ; 
the carpenters engaged on the storehouse and dweUing of 
Sieur de Monts, and the others each on his own house, as 
I was on mine, which I built with the assistance of some ser- 
vants belonging to Sieur d'Orville and myself. It was forth- 
with completed, and Sieur de Monts lodged in it until his 
own was finished. An oven was also made, and a hand- 
mill for grinding our wheat, the working of which involved 
much trouble and labor to the most of us, since it was a toil- 
some operation. Some gardens were afterwards laid out, on 
the main land as well as on the island. Here many kinds of 
seeds were planted, which flourished very well on the main 
land, but not on the island, since there was only sand here, 
and the whole were burned up when the sun shone, although 
special pains were taken to water them. 

Some days after, Sieur de Monts determined to ascertain 
^ Vide supra, p. 27. 



44 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

where the mine of pure copper was which we had searched 
for so much. With this object in view, he despatched me 
together with a savage named Messamoiiet, who asserted that 
he knew the place well. I set out in a small barque of five 
or six tons, with nine sailors. Some eight leagues from the 
island, towards the river St. John, we found a mine of copper 
which was not pure, yet good according to the report of the 
miner, who said that it would yield eighteen per cent. Farther 
on we found others inferior to this.^ When we reached the 
place where we supposed that was which we were hunting for, 
the savage could not find it, so that it was necessary to come 
back, leaving the search for another time. 

Upon my return from this trip, Sieur de Monts resolved to 
send his vessels back to France, and also Sieur de Poutrincourt, 
who had come only for his pleasure, and to explore countries 
and places suitable for a colony, which he desired to found ; for 
which reason he asked Sieur de Monts for Port Royal, which he 
gave him in accordance with the power and directions he had re- 
ceived from the king. He sent back also Ilalleau,his secretary, 
to arrange some matters concerning the voyage. They set 
out from the island of St. Croix the last day of August, 1604. 

Chapter 5 

Of the coast, inhahitants, and river of Norumhegue, and of all 
that occurred during the exploration of the latter. 

After the departure of the vessels, Sieur de Monts, with- 
out losing time, decided to send persons to make discoveries 
along the coast of Norumbegue ; ^ and he intrusted me with 
this work, which I found very agreeable. 

* The first mine was no doubt at Beaver Harbor, the others at Red 
Head Harbor. 

^ On Norumbegue or Norumbega see Narrative and Critical History, 
III. 169-218. It may be roughly identified with New England. The river 
of Norumbega is the Penobscot. Jean Alfonse (see p. 22) gives a wonderful 
description of a great city of the same name at its mouth. Lescarbot makes 
merry at the credulity of those who believed in such travellers' tales, but it is 
quite likely that in the time of Alfonse (1542) there may have been a flourishing 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 45 

In order to execute this commission, I set out from St. 
Croix on the 2d of September with a patache ^ of seventeen or 
eighteen tons, twelve sailors, and two savages, to serve us as 
guides to the places with which they were acquainted. The 
same day we found the vessels where Sieur de Poutrincourt 
was, which were anchored at the mouth of the river St. Croix 
in consequence of bad weather, which place we could not leave 
before the 5th of the month. Having gone two or three leagues 
seaward, so dense a fog arose that we at once lost sight of 
their vessels. Continuing our course along the coast, we made 
the same day some twenty-five leagues, and passed by a 
large number of islands, banks, reefs, and rocks, which in 
places extend more than four leagues out to sea. We called 
the islands the Ranges, most of which are covered with pines, 
firs, and other trees of an inferior sort. Among these islands 
are many fine harbors, but undesirable for a permanent settle- 
ment. The same day we passed also near to an island about 
four or five leagues long, in the neighborhood of which we just 
escaped being lost on a httle rock on a level with the water, 
which made an opening in oiu- barque near the keel. From 
this island to the main land on the north, the distance is less 
than a hundred paces. It is very high, and notched in places, 
so that there is the appearance to one at sea, as of seven or 
eight mountains extending along near each other. The summit 
of the most of them is destitute of trees, as there are only rocks 
on them. The woods consist of pines, firs, and birches 
only. I named it Isle des Monts Deserts.^ The latitude 
is 44° 30'. 

The next day, the 6th of the month, we sailed two leagues, 
and perceived a smoke in a cove at the foot of the mountains 
above mentioned. We saw two canoes rowed by savages, 
which came within musket range to observe us. I sent our two 

Indian village, which disappeared as completely as Hochelaga did between 
the visits of Cartier and of Champlain. 

^ A narrow vessel, used as a despatch boat. 

* Still known as Mount Desert. In 1613 the Marchioness de Guerche- 
ville attempted to found here a colony, called St. Sauveur, which was de- 
stroyed by the English under Samuel Argall. 



46 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

savages in a boat to assure them of our friendship. Their fear 
of us made them turn back. On the morning of the next day 
they came alongside of our barque and talked with our savages. 
I ordered some biscuit, tobacco, and other trifles to be given 
them. These savages had come beaver-hunting and to catch 
fish, some of which they gave us. Having made an alHance 
with them, they guided us to their river of Pentegoliet,^ so 
called by them, where they told us was their captain, named 
Bessabez, chief of this river. I think this river is that which 
several pilots and historians call Norumbegue, and which most 
have described as large and extensive, with very many islands, 
its mouth being in latitude 43°, 43° 30', according to others in 
44°, more or less. With regard to the deflection, I have neither 
read, nor heard any one say anything. It is related also that 
there is a large, thickly settled town of savages, who are adroit 
and skilful, and who have cotton yarn. I am confident that 
most of those who mention it have not seen it, and speak of it 
because they have heard persons say so, who knew no more 
about it than they themselves. I am ready to beheve that 
some may have seen the mouth of it, because there are in reahty 
many islands, and it is, as they say, in latitude 44° at its en- 
trance. But that any one has ever entered it there is no evi- 
dence, for then they would have described it in another man- 
ner, in order to relieve the minds of many of this doubt. 

I will accordingly relate truly what I explored and saw, 
from the beginning as far as I went. 

In the first place, there are at its entrance several islands 
distant ten or twelve leagues from the main land, which are 
in latitude 44°, and 18° 40' of the deflection of the magnetic 
needle. The Isle des Monts Deserts forms one of the extremi- 
ties of the mouth, on the east ; the other is low land, called by 
the savages Bedabedec,^ to the west of the former, the two 

"■ The Penobscot. 

^ An indefinite region about Rockland and Camden, on the western 
bank of the Penobscot near its mouth, appears to have been the domain of 
the Indian chief, Bessabez, and was denominated Bedabedec. The Camden 
Hills were called the mountains of Bedabedec and Owl's Head was called 
Bedabedec Point. (Slafter.) 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 47 

being distant from each other nine or ten leagues. Almost 
midway between these, out in the ocean, there is another island 
very high and conspicuous, which on this account I have 
named Isle Haute/ All around there is a vast number of 
varying extent and breadth, but the largest is that of the Monts 
Deserts. Fishing as also hunting are very good here; the 
fish are of various kinds. Some two or three leagues from the 
point of Bedabedec, as you coast northward along the main 
land which extends up this river, there are very high eleva- 
tions of land, which in fair weather are seen twelve or fifteen 
leagues out at sea.^ Passing to the south of the Isle Haute, 
and coasting along the same for a quarter of a league, where 
there are some reefs out of water, and heading to the west until 
you open all the mountains northward of this island, you can 
be sure that, by keeping in sight the eight or nine peaks of the 
Monts Deserts and Bedabedec, you will cross the river Norum- 
begue; and in order to enter it you must keep to the north, 
that is, towards the highest mountains of Bedabedec, where you 
will see no islands before you, and can enter, sure of having 
water enough, although you see a great many breakers, islands, 
and rocks to the east and west of you. For greater security, 
one should keep the sounding lead in hand. And my observa- 
tions lead me to conclude that one cannot enter this river in 
any other place except in small vessels or shallops. For, as I 
stated above, there are numerous islands, rocks, shoals, banks, 
and breakers on all sides, so that it is marvellous to behold. 
Now to resume our course : as one enters the river, there 
are beautiful islands, which are very pleasant and contain fine 
meadows. We proceeded to a place to which the savages 
guided us, where the river is not more than an eighth of a league 
broad, and at a distance of some two hundred paces from the 
western shore there is a rock on a level with the water, of a 
dangerous character.^ From here to the Isle Haute, it is 
fifteen leagues. From this narrow place, where there is the 

^ Meaning high island ; it is now called Isle au Haut. 

2 The Camden Hills. 

^ This narrow place is just above Castine. ' 



48 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

least breadth that we had found, after sailing some seven or 
eight leagues, we came to a Uttle river ^ near which it was nec- 
essary to anchor, as we saw before us a great many rocks 
which are uncovered at low tide, and since also, if we had de- 
sired to sail farther, we could have gone scarcely half a league, 
in consequence of a fall of water there coming down a slope of 
seven or eight feet, which I saw as I went there in a canoe with 
our savages ; and we found only water enough for a canoe. But 
excepting the fall, which is some two hundred paces broad, 
the river is beautiful, and unobstructed up to the place where 
we had anchored. I landed to view the country, and, going 
on a hunting excursion, found it very pleasant so far as I went. 
The oaks here appear as if they were planted for ornament. 
I saw only a few firs, but numerous pines on one side of the 
river; on the other only oaks, and some copse wood which 
extends far into the interior. And I will state that from the 
entrance to where we went, about twenty-five leagues, we saw 
no town, nor village, nor the appearance of there having been 
one, but one or two cabins of the savages without inhabitants. 
These were made in the same way as those of the Souriquois,^ 
being covered with the bark of trees. So far as we could judge, 
the savages on this river are few in number, and are called 
Etechemins. Moreover, they only come to the islands, and 
that only during some months in summer for fish and game, of 
which there is a great quantity. They are a people who have 
no fixed abode, so far as I could observe and learn from them. 
For they spend the winter now in one place and now in another, 
according as they find the best hunting, by which they live 
when urged by their daily needs, without laying up anything 
for times of scarcity, which are sometimes severe. 

Now this river must of necessity be the Norumbegue ; for, 
having coasted along past it as far as the 41° of latitude, we 
have found no other on the parallel above mentioned, except 

^ The Kenduskeag, near the city of Bangor. 

* The Souriquois are the Mic-Macs of Nova Scotia. Closely akin to them 
were the Etechemins, who extended from St. John, N.B., to the neighborhood 
of Mount Desert. South of these were the Almouchiquois or Armouchi- 
quois (see pp. 61 et seqq.). 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 49 

that of the Quinibequy/ which is almost in the same latitude, 
but not of great extent. Moreover, there cannot be in any- 
other place a river extending far into the interior of the coun- 
try, since the great river St. Lawrence washes the coast of La 
Cadie and Norumbegue, and the distance from one to the other 
by land is not more than forty-five leagues, or sixty at the 
widest point, as can be seen on my geographical map. 

Now I will drop this discussion to return to the savages 
who had conducted me to the falls of the river Norumbegue, 
who went to notify Bessabez, their chief, and other savages, 
who in turn proceeded to another Httle river to inform their 
own, named Cabahis, and give him notice of our arrival. 

The 16th of the month there came to us some thirty savages 
on assurances given them by those who had served us as 
guides. There came also to us the same day the above- 
named Bessabez with six canoes. As soon as the savages 
who were on land saw him coming, they all began to sing, 
dance, and jump, until he had landed. Afterwards, they all 
seated themselves in a circle on the ground, as is their custom, 
when they wish to celebrate a festivity, or an harangue is to 
be made. Cabahis, the other chief, arrived also a httle later 
with twenty or thirty of his companions, who withdrew one 
side and greatly enjoyed seeing us, as it was the first time 
they had seen Christians. A httle while after, I went on 
shore with two of my companions and two of our savages who 
served as interpreters. I directed the men in our barque to 
approach near the savages, and hold their arms in readiness 
to do their duty in case they noticed any movement of these 
people against us. Bessabez, seeing us on land, bade us sit 
down, and began to smoke with his companions, as they usually 
do before an address. They presented us with venison and 
game. 

I directed our interpreter to say to our savages that they 
should cause Bessabez, Cabahis, and their companions to under- 
stand that Sieur de Monts had sent me to them to see them, 
and also their country, and that he desired to preserve friend- 

* The Kennebec. 



50 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

ship with them and to reconcile them with their enemies, 
the Souriquois and Canadians, and moreover that he desired 
to inhabit their country and show them how to cultivate it, 
in order that they might not continue to lead so miserable a 
hfe as they were doing, and some other words on the same sub- 
ject. This our savages interpreted to them, at which they 
signified their great satisfaction, saying that no greater good 
could come to them than to have our friendship, and that they 
desired to live in peace with their enemies, and that we should 
dwell in their land, in order that they might in future more 
than ever before engage in hunting beavers, and give us a part 
of them in return for our providing them with things which they 
wanted. After he had finished his discourse, I presented them 
with hatchets, paternosters, caps, knives, and other Httle knick- 
knacks, when we separated from each other. All the rest of 
this day and the following night, until break of day, they did 
nothing but dance, sing, and make merry, after which we traded 
for a certain number of beavers. Then each party returned, 
Bessabez with his companions on the one side, and we on the 
other, highly pleased at having made the acquaintance of this 
people. 

The 17th of the month I took the altitude, and found the 
latitude 45° 25'.^ This done, we set out for another river 
called iQuinibequy, distant from this place thirty-five leagues, 
and nearly twenty from Bedabedec. This nation of savages of 
Quinibequy are called Etechemins, as well as those of Norum- 
begue. 

The 18th of the month we passed near a small river where 
Cabahis was, who came with us in our barque some twelve 
leagues ; and having asked him whence came the river Norum- 
begue, he told me that it passes the fall which I mentioned 
above, and that one journeying some distance on it enters 
a lake by way of which they come to the river of St. Croix, 
by going some distance over land, and then entering the river 
of the Etechemins. Moreover, another river enters the lake, 
along which they proceed some days, and afterwards enter 

» Really 44° 46'. 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 51 

another lake and pass through the midst of it. Reaching the 
end of it, they make again a land journey of some distance, 
and then enter another httle river/ which has its mouth a 
league from Quebec, which is on the great river St. Law- 
rence. All these people of Norumbegue are very swarthy, 
dressed in beaver-skins and other furs, Hke the Canadian 
and Souriquois savages, and they have the same mode of 
hfe. 

The 20th of the month we sailed along the western coast, 
and passed the mountains of Bedabedec, when we anchored. 
The same day we explored the entrance to the river, where 
large vessels can approach ; but there are inside some reefs, to 
avoid which one must advance with sounding lead in hand. 
Our savages left us, as they did not wish to go to Quini- 
bequy, for the savages of that place are great enemies to 
them. We sailed some eight leagues along the western coast 
to an island ten leagues distant from Quinibequy, where 
we were obhged to put in on account of bad weather and 
contrary wind. At one point in our course, we passed a large 
number of islands and breakers extending some leagues out 
to sea, and very dangerous. And in view of the bad weather, 
which was so unfavorable to us, we did not sail more than 
three or four leagues farther. All these islands and coasts 
are covered with extensive woods, of the same sort as that 
which I have reported above as existing on the other coasts. 
And in consideration of the small quantity of provisions which 
we had, we resolved to return to our settlement and wait, 
until the following year, when we hoped to return and ex- 
plore more extensively. We accordingly set out on our 
return on the 23d of September, and arrived at our settle- 
ment on the 2d of October following. 

The above is an exact statement of all that I have ob- 
served respecting not only the coasts and people, but also the 
river of Norumbegue; and there are none of the marvels 

* The Chaudiere. Champlain's account, derived from the Indians, 
whose language he but imperfectly understood, is not quite correct, as may- 
be seen by consulting a map. 



62 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1604 

there which some persons have described/ I am of opinion 
that this region is as disagreeable in winter as that of our 
settlement, in which we were greatly deceived. 

Chapter 6 

Of the Mai de la Terre, a very desperate malady. How the savages, 
men and women, spend their time in winter. And all 
that occurred at the settlement while we were passing the 
winter. 

When we arrived at the Island of St. Croix, each one had 
finished his place of abode. Winter came upon us sooner than 
we expected, and prevented us from doing many things which 
we had proposed. Nevertheless, Sieur de Monts did not fail 
to have some gardens made on the island. Many began 
to clear up the ground, each his own. I also did so with mine, 
which was very large, where I planted a quantity of seeds, as 
also did the others who had any, and they came up very well. 
But since the island was all sandy, everything dried up almost 
as soon as the sun shone upon it, and we had no water for 
irrigation except from the rain, which was infrequent. 

Sieur de Monts caused also clearings to be made on the 
main land for making gardens, and at the falls three leagues 
from our settlement he had work done and some wheat sown, 
which came up very well and ripened. Around our habita- 
tion there is, at low tide, a large number of shell-fish, such as 
cockles,^ muscles, sea-urchins, and sea-snails, which were 
very acceptable to all. 

The snows began on the 6th of October. On the 3d of 
December, we saw ice pass which came from some frozen 
river. The cold was sharp, more severe than in France, and 

^ Two noteworthy points are that Champlain received no intelligence of 
any Europeans on the coast, and found no fixed settlements of natives. The 
savages lived on the headwaters of the rivers, and along the great carrying- 
places which constituted a thoroughfare from one end of the Acadian penin- 
sula to the other. (Gen. Brown.) 

* Doubtless clams. (Ganong.) 



1604] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 53 

of much longer duration; and it scarcely rained at all the 
entire winter. I suppose that is owing to the north and 
north-west winds passing over high mountains always covered 
with snow. The latter was from three to four feet deep up 
to the end of the month of April; lasting much longer, I sup- 
pose, than it would if the country were cultivated. 

During the winter, many of our company were attacked by 
a certain malady called the mal de la terre;^ otherwise scurvy, 
as I have since heard from learned men. There were pro- 
duced, in the mouths of those who had it, great pieces of super- 
fluous and drivelHng flesh (causing extensive putrefaction), 
which got the upperhand to such an extent that scarcely any 
thing but hquid could be taken. Their teeth became very 
loose, and could be pulled out with the fingers without its 
causing them pain. The superfluous flesh was often cut out, 
which caused them to eject much blood through the mouth. 
Afterwards, a violent pain seized their arms and legs, which 
remained swollen and very hard, all spotted as if with flea- 
bites ; and they could not walk on account of the contraction 
of the muscles, so that they were almost without strength, and 
suffered intolerable pains. They experienced pain also in 
the loins, stomach, and bowels, had a very bad cough, and 
short breath. In a word, they were in such a condition that 
the majority of them could not rise nor move, and could not 
even be raised up on their feet without falling down in a 
swoon. So that out of seventy-nine, who composed our 
party, thirty-five died, and more than twenty were on the 
point of death. The majority of those who remained well 
also complained of sHght pains and short breath. We were 
unable to find any remedy for these maladies. A post mortem 
examination of several was made to investigate the cause of 
their disease. 

In the case of many, the interior parts were found morti- 

^ Cartier's men had suffered greatly from the same complaint during 
their stay at Quebec in the winter of 1535-1536, but had found a remedy 
in a decoction made of the leaves of an evergreen, called by the savages 
aneda, or anneda (see p. 60), apparently the white pine. See Cartier's 
account in Early English and French Voyages, of this series, pp. 73-77. 



54 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAm [1605 

fied, such as the lungs, which were so changed that no natural 
fluid could be perceived in them. The spleen was serous 
and swollen. The hver was legueux f ^ and spotted, without 
its natural color. The vena cava, superior and inferior, was 
filled with thick coagulated and black blood. The gall was 
tainted. Nevertheless, many arteries, in the middle as well 
as lower bowels, were found in very good condition. In the 
case of some, incisions with a razor were made on the thighs 
where they had purple spots, whence there issued a very black 
clotted blood. This is what was observed on the bodies of 
those infected with this malady. 

Our surgeons could not help suffering themselves in the 
same manner as the rest. Those who continued sick were 
healed by spring, which commences in this country in May. 
That led us to beheve that the change of season restored their 
health rather than the remedies prescribed. 

During this winter, all our liquors froze, except the Span- 
ish wine.^ Cider was dispensed by the pound. The cause of 
this loss was that there were no cellars to our storehouse, and 
that the air which entered by the cracks was sharper than 
that outside. We were obhged to use very bad water, and 
drink melted snow, as there were no springs nor brooks; for 
it was not possible to go to the main land in consequence of 
the great pieces of ice drifted by the tide, which varies three 
fathoms between low and high water. Work on the hand- 
mill was very fatiguing, since the most of us, having slept 
poorly, and suffering from insufficiency of fuel, which we 
could not obtain on account of the ice, had scarcely any 
strength, and also because we ate only salt meat and vegetables 
during the winter, which produce bad blood. The latter 
circumstance was, in my opinion, a partial cause of these dread- 
ful maladies. All this produced discontent in Sieur de Monts 
and others of the settlement.^ 

* Watery ; or perhaps for ligneux, fibrous. 

* I.e., sherry. 

^ Father Biard says, Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites, III. 52, " Of all Sieur 
de Monts' people who wintered first at St. Croix, only eleven remained well." 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 55 

It would be very difficult to ascertain the character of this 
region without spending a winter in it; for, on arriving here 
in summer, every thing is very agreeable, in consequence of 
the woods, fine country, and the many varieties of good fish 
which are found there. There are six months of winter in 
this country. 

The savages who dwell here are few in number. During 
the winter, in the deepest snows, they hunt elks and other 
animals, on which they live most of the time. And, unless 
the snow is deep, they scarcely get rewarded for their pains, 
since they cannot capture anything except by a very great 
effort, which is the reason for their enduring and suffering 
much. When they do not hunt, they five on a shell-fish, 
called the cockle. They clothe themselves in winter with 
good furs of beaver and elk. The women make all the gar- 
ments, but not so exactly but that you can see the flesh under 
the arm-pits, because they have not ingenuity enough to fit 
them better. When they go a hunting, they use a kind of 
snow-shoe twice as large as those hereabouts, which they attach 
to the soles of their feet, and walk thus over the snow with- 
out sinking in, the women and children as well as the men. 
They search for the track of animals, which, having found, 
they follow until they get sight of the creature, when they 
shoot at it with their bows, or kill it by means of daggers 
attached to the end of a short pike, which is very easily done, 
as the animals cannot walk on the snow without sinking in. 
Then the women and children come up, erect a hut, and 
they give themselves to feasting. Afterwards, they return 
in search of other animals, and thus they pass the winter. 
In the month of March following, some savages came and 
gave us a portion of their game in exchange for bread and 
other things which we gave them. This is the mode of life 
in winter of these people, which seems to me a very miserable 
one. 

We looked for our vessels at the end of April ; but, as this 
passed without their arriving, all began to have an ill-boding, 
fearing that some accident had befallen them. For this rea- 



56 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

son, on the 15th of May, Sieur de Monts decided to have a 
barque of fifteen tons and another of seven fitted up, so that we 
might go at the end of the month of June to Gaspe in quest 
of vessels ^ in which to return to France, in case our own should 
not meanwhile arrive. But God helped us better than we 
hoped; for, on the 15th of June ensuing, while on guard 
about 11 o'clock at night, Pont Grave, captain of one of the 
vessels of Sieur de Monts, arriving in a shallop, informed us 
that his ship was anchored six leagues from our settlement, 
and he was welcomed amid the great joy of all. 

The next day the vessel arrived, and anchored near our 
habitation. Pont Grave informed us that a vessel from St. 
Malo, called the St. Estienne, was following him, bringing 
us provisions and supphes. 

On the 17th of the month, Sieur de Monts decided to go 
in quest of a place better adapted for an abode, and with a 
better temperature than our own. With this view, he had 
the barque made ready, in which he had purposed to go to 
Gaspe. 

Chapter 7 

Discovery of the coast of the Almouchiquois as far as the forty- 
second degree of latitude, and details of this voyage. 

On the 18th of June, 1605, Sieur de Monts set out from the 
Island of St. Croix with some gentlemen, twenty sailors, and a 
savage named Panounias,^ together with his wife, whom he 
was unwilUng to leave behind. These we took, in order to 
serve us as guides to the country of the Almouchiquois,^ 
in the hope of exploring and learning more particularly by 
their aid what the character of this country was, especially 
since she was a native of it. 

* These were the ships which came yearly in search of cod. 

^ He was killed by the Almouchiquois, which led to a war (see pp. Ill, 
113-114). 

' The Almouchiquois, or Armouchiquois, lived in what is now Massa- 
chusetts. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 67 

Coasting along inside of Manan, an island three leagues 
from the main land, we came to the Ranges on the seaward 
side, at one of which we anchored, where there was a large 
number of crows, of which our men captured a great many, 
and we called it the Isle aux Corneilles. Thence we went to 
the Island of Monts Deserts, at the entrance of the river 
Norumbegue, as I have before stated, and sailed five or six 
leagues among many islands. Here there came to us three 
savages in a canoe from Bedabedec Point, where their captain 
was; and, after we had had some conversation with them, 
they returned the same day. 

On Friday, the 1st of July, we set out from one of the 
islands ^ at the mouth of the river, where there is a very good 
harbor for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and fifty tons. 
This day we made some twenty-five leagues between Beda- 
bedec Point and many islands and rocks, which we observed 
as far as the river Quinibequy, at the mouth of which is a very 
high island, which we called the Tortoise.^ Between the 
latter and the main land there are some scattering rocks 
which are covered at full tide, although the sea is then seen 
to break over them.^ Tortoise Island and the river He south- 
south-east and north-north-west. As you enter, there are two 
medium-sized islands forming the entrance, one on one side, 
the other on the other; * and some three hundred paces far- 
ther in are two rocks, where there is no wood, but some httle 
grass. We anchored three hundred paces from the entrance 
in five and six fathoms of water. While in this place, we were 
overtaken by fogs, on account of which we resolved to enter, 
in order to see the upper part of the river and the savages 
who five there; and we set out for this purpose on the 5th 
of the month. Having made some leagues, our barque 
came near being lost on a rock which we grazed in passing.® 

* The Fox Islands. ^ Seguin Island. 

^ EUingwood Rock, Seguin Ledges, and White Ledge. (Slafter.) 

* Pond Island on the west, and Stage Island on the east ; the two rocks 
referred to in the same sentence are now called the Sugar Loaves. (Slafter.) 

* It seems nearly certain that the route traversed by the navigators was 
as follows. Entering the mouth of the Kennebec, they went on a flood-tide 



68 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN" [1606 

Further on, we met two canoes which had come to hunt birds, 
which for the most part are moulting at this season, and cannot 
fly. We addressed these savages by aid of our own, who went 
to them with his wife, who made them understand the reason 
of our coming. We made friends with them and with the 
savages of this river, who served us as guides. Proceeding 
farther, in order to see their captain, named Manthoumermer, 
we passed, after we had gone seven or eight leagues, by some 
islands, straits, and brooks, which extend along the river, where 
we saw some fine meadows. After we had coasted along an 
island ^ some four leagues in length, they conducted us to where 
their chief was ^ with twenty-five or thirty savages, who, as soon 
as we had anchored, came to us in a canoe, separated a short 
distance from ten others, in which were those who accom- 
panied him. Coming near our barque, he made an harangue, 
in which he expressed the pleasure it gave him to see us, and 
said that he desired to form an aUiance with us and to make 
peace with his enemies through our mediation. He said that, 
on the next day, he would send to two other captains of sav- 
ages, who were in the interior, one called Marchin, and the 
other Sasinou, chief of the river Quinibequy. Sieur de Monts 
gave them some cakes and peas, with which they were greatly 
pleased. The next day they guided us down the river another 
way than that by which we had come, in order to go to a lake ; 
and, passing by some islands; they left, each one of them, an 
arrow near a cape ^ where all the savages pass, and they beheve 
that if they should not do this some misfortune would befall 
them, according to the persuasions of the devil. They five 
in such superstitions, and practise many others of the same 
sort. Beyond this cape we passed a very narrow waterfall, 
but only with great difficulty; for, although we had a favor- 
able and fresh wind, and trimmed our sails to receive it as 

up Back River and into Hockomock Bay, then southward around the south 
end of Westport Island, up its east side to Wiscasset, down its west side, 
around Hockomock Point, and so through the Sasanoa River, Upper Hell 
Gate and the Kennebec, and into Merrymeeting Bay. 

^ Westport Island. ^ Wiscasset Harbor. ^ Hockomock Point. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 59 

well as possible, in order to see whether we could not pass it 
in that way, we were obhged to attach a hawser to some trees 
on shore and all pull on it. In this way, by means of our arms 
together with the help of the wind, which was favorable to 
us, we succeeded in passing it. The savages accompanying 
us carried their canoes by land, being unable to row them. 
After going over this fall, we saw some fine meadows. I 
was greatly surprised by this fall, since as we descended with 
the tide we found it in our favor, but contrary to us when we 
came to the fall. But, after we had passed it, it descended as 
before, which gave us great satisfaction. Pursuing our route, 
we came to the lake,^ which is from three to four leagues in 
length. Here are some islands, and two rivers enter it, the 
Quinibequy coming from the north-north-east, and the other 
from the north-west, whence were to come Marchin and 
Sasinou. Having awaited them all this day, and as they did 
not come, we resolved to improve our time. We weighed 
anchor accordingly, and there accompanied us two savages 
from this lake to serve as guides. The same day we anchored 
at the mouth of the river, where we caught a large number of 
excellent fish of various sorts. Meanwhile, our savages went 
hunting, but did not return. The route by which we descended 
this river is much safer and better than that by which we had 
gone. Tortoise Island before the mouth of this river is in 
latitude 44°; and 19° 12' of the deflection of the magnetic 
needle. They go by this river across the country to Quebec 
some fifty leagues, making only one portage of two leagues. 
After the portage, you enter another httle stream which flows 
into the great river St. Lawrence.^ This river Quinibequy 
is very dangerous for vessels half a league from its mouth, on 
account of the small amount of water, great tides, rocks and 
shoals outside as well as within. But it has a good channel, 
if it were well marked out. The land, so far as I have seen it 

' Merryroeeting Bay, so called from the junction of the Kennebec and the 
Androscoggin. 

^ The Chaudi^re, flowing into the St. Lawrence nearly opposite Quebec, 
about three miles above Levis. 



60 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

along the shores of the river, is very poor, for there are only 
rocks on all sides. There are a great many small oaks, and 
very little arable land. Fish abound here, as in the other 
rivers which I have mentioned. The people Uve Uke those in 
the neighborhood of our settlement ; and they told us that the 
savages, who plant the Indian corn, dwelt very far in the in- 
terior, and that they had given up planting it on the coasts 
on account of the war they had with others, who came and 
took it away. This is what I have been able to learn about 
this region, which I think is no better than the others. 

On the 8th of the month, we set out from the mouth of 
this river, not being able to do so sooner on account of the 
fogs. We made that day some four leagues, and passed 
a bay,^ where there are a great many islands. From here 
large mountains ^ are seen to the west, in which is the dwell- 
ing-place of a savage captain called Aneda, who encamps 
near the river Quinibequy. I was satisfied from this name 
that it was one of his tribe that had discovered the plant 
called Aneda, which Jacques Cartier said was so powerful 
against the malady called scurvy, of which we have already 
spoken, which harassed his company as well as our own, 
when they wintered in Canada. The savages have no knowl- 
edge at all of this plant, and are not aware of its existence, 
although the above-mentioned savage has the same name. 
The following day we made eight leagues. As we passed 
along the coast, we perceived two columns of smoke which 
some savages made to attract our attention. We went and 
anchored in the direction of them behind a small island near 
the main land,^ where we saw more than eighty savages 
running along the shore to see us, dancing and giving ex- 
pression to their joy. Sieur de Monts sent two men together 
with our savage to visit them. After they had spoken some 
time with them, and assured them of our friendship, we left 

^ Casco Bay. 

' The White Mountains of New Hampshire, indicated on nmnerous early 
maps, and visible from the sea at this point. 

' Old Orchard Beach. They anchored inside of Stratton Island. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 61 

with them one of our number, and they dehvered to us one 
of their companions as a hostage. Meanwhile, Sieur de 
Monts visited an island, which is very beautiful in view of 
what it produces; for it has fine oaks and nut-trees, the soil 
cleared up, and many vineyards bearing beautiful grapes in 
their season, which were the first we had seen on all these coasts 
from the Cap de la Heve. We named it Isle de Bacchus/ 
It being full tide, we weighed anchor and entered a httle river, 
which we could not sooner do ; for there is a bar, there being at 
low tide only half a fathom of water, at full tide a fathom and a 
haK, and at the highest water two fathoms. On the other side 
of the bar there are three, four, five, and six fathoms. When 
we had anchored, a large number of savages came to the bank 
of the river, and began to dance. Their captain at the time, 
whom they called Honemechin, was not with them. He arrived 
about two or three hours later with two canoes, when he came 
sweeping entirely round our barque. Our savage could under- 
stand only a few words, as the language of the Almouchiquois 
(for that is the name of this nation) differs entirely from that 
of the Souriquois and Etechemms. These people gave signs 
of being greatly pleased. Their chief had a good figiu-e, was 
young and agile. We sent some articles of merchandise on 
shore to barter with them; but they had nothing but their 
robes to give in exchange, for they preserve only such furs 
as they need for their garments. Sieur de Monts ordered 
some provisions to be given to their chief, with which he was 
greatly pleased, and came several times to the side of our 
boat to see us. These savages shave off the hair far up on 
the head, and wear what remains very long, which they comb 
and twist behind in various ways very neatly, intertwined 
with feathers which they attach to the head. They paint 
their faces black and red, like the other savages which we 
have seen. They are an agile people, with well-formed bod- 
ies. Their weapons are pikes, clubs, bows and arrows, at 
the end of which some attach the tail of a fish called the 
signoc, others bones, while the arrows of others are entirely 

^ Richmond Island. The oaks, walnuts, and vines have disappeared. 



62 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

of wood. They till and cultivate the soil, something which 
we have not hitherto observed. In the place of ploughs, they 
use an instrument of very hard wood, shaped Hke a spade. 
This river is called by the inhabitants of the country Choii- 
acoet.^ 

The next day Sieur de Monts and I landed to observe 
their tillage on the bank of the river. We saw their Indian 
corn, which they raise in gardens. Planting three or four 
kernels in one place, they then heap up about it a quantity 
of earth with shells of the signoc before mentioned. Then 
three feet distant they plant as much more, and thus in suc- 
cession. With this corn they put in each hill three or four 
Brazihan beans,^ which are of different colors. When they 
grow up, they interlace with the corn, which reaches to the 
height of from five to six feet; and they keep the ground 
very free from weeds. We saw there many squashes, and 
pumpkins, and tobacco, which they hke wise cultivate. 

The Indian corn which we saw was at that time about two 
feet high, some of it as high as three. The beans were be- 
ginning to flower, as also the pumpkins and squashes. They 
plant their corn in May, and gather it in September. We 
saw also a great many nuts, which are small and have several 
divisions. There were as yet none on the trees, but we found 
plenty under them, from the preceding year. We saw also 
many grape-vines, on which there was a remarkably fine 
berry, from which we made some very good verjuice. We 
had heretofore seen grapes only on the Island of Bacchus, 
distant nearly two leagues from this river. Their permanent 
abode, the tillage, and the fine trees led us to conclude that 

^ From this comes the modern Saco. 

^ Phaseolus vulgaris, the kidney-bean. All the plants here named are 
indigenous to America, though probably brought to New England from 
farther south. Cartier found tobacco growing as far north as Quebec in 
1535. "They fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth out of their 
mouth and nostrils, even as out of the Tonnell of a chimney. They say 
that this doth keepe them warme and in health ; they never goe without some 
of it about them. We ourselves have tryed the same smoke, and having put 
it in our mouthes, it seemed almost as hot as pepper," is his account. Early 
English and French Voyages, p. 68. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 63 

the air here is milder and better than that where we passed 
the winter, and at the other places we visited on the coast. 
But I cannot believe that there is not here a considerable 
degree of cold, although it is in latitude 43° 45'/ The for- 
ests in the interior are very thin, although abounding in oaks, 
beeches, ashes, and eljns; in wet places there are many wil- 
lows. The savages dwell permanently in this place, and have 
a large cabin surrounded by paUsades made of rather large 
trees placed by the side of each other, in which they take 
refuge when their enemies make war upon them. They 
cover their cabins with oak bark. This place is very pleas- 
ant, and as agreeable as any to be seen. The river is very 
abundant in fish, and is bordered by meadows. At the 
mouth there is a small island ^ adapted for the construction of 
a good fortress, where one could be in security. 

On Sunday,^ the 12th of the month, we set out from the 
river Chotiacoet. After coasting along some six or seven 
leagues, a contrary wind arose, which obhged us to anchor 
and go ashore,* where we saw two meadows, each a league 
in length and half a league in breadth. We saw there two 
savages, whom at first we took to be the great birds called 
bustards, to be found in this country; who, as soon as they 
caught sight of us, took flight into the woods, and were not 
seen again. From Chotiacoet to this place, where we saw 
some little birds, which sing Hke blackbirds, and are black 
excepting the ends of the wings, which are orange-colored,^ 
there is a large number of grape-vines and nut-trees. This 
coast is sandy, for the most part, all the way from Quinibe- 
quy. This day we returned two or three leagues towards 
Choiiacoet, as far as a cape which we called Island Harbor," 
favorable for vessels of a hundred tons, about which are three 
islands. Heading north-east a quarter north, one can enter 

^ Champlain's expression is more colloquial and energetic than that of 
the translation: "Mais que je croye qu'il n'y face un peu de froit, bien que 
ce soit par la hauteur de 43 degrez 3 quarts de latitude, non." 

2 Ram Island. ^ July 12, 1605, fell on a Tuesday. 

* Near Wells Neck. * The red-wing blackbird. 

' Cape Porpoise Harbor. 



64 VOYAGES 01^ SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

another harbor ^ near this place, to which there is no ap- 
proach, although there are islands, except the one where you 
enter. At the entrance there are some dangerous reefs. There 
are in these islands so many red currants that one sees for 
the most part nothing else, and an infinite number of pigeons, 
of which we took a great quantity. This Island Harbor 
is in latitude 43° 25'. 

On the 15th of the month we made twelve leagues. Coast- 
ing along, we perceived a smoke on the shore, which we 
approached as near as possible, but saw no savage, which led 
us to beHeve that they had fled. The sun set, and we could 
find no harbor for that night, since the coast was flat and 
sandy. Keeping off, and heading south, in order to find an 
anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues, we observed 
a cape^ on the main land south a quarter south-east of us, 
some six leagues distant. Two leagues to the east we saw 
three or four rather high islands,^ and on the west a large bay.'* 
The coast of this bay, reaching as far as the cape, extends 
inland from where we were perhaps four leagues. It has a 
breadth of two leagues from north to south, and three at its 
entrance. Not observing any place favorable for putting 
in, we resolved to go to the cape above mentioned with short 
sail, which occupied a portion of the night. Approaching 
to where there were sixteen fathoms of water, we anchored 
until daybreak. 

On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, 
where there are three islands ^ near the main land, full of 
wood of different kinds, as at Choiiacoet and all along the coast ; 
and still another flat one, where there are breakers, and which' 

* Goose Fair Bay. ^ Cape Ann. 

' The Isles of Shoals. Nine years later Captain John Smith visited 
these islands, and called them Smith's Isles. 

* This bay is nameless on modern maps. It receives the waters of the 
Merrimac River. 

' Straitsmouth, Thatcher and Milk Islands, off Cape Ann. They were 
named by Captain John Smith the "Three Turks' Heads " in memory of three 
Turks' heads cut off by him at the siege of Caniza, by which he acquired from 
Sigismundus, prince of Transylvania, their effigies in his shield for his arms. 
See his True Travels, Adventures, and Observations (London, 1629). (Slafter.) 



1605] THE VOYAGiiS OF 1604-I60r 65 

extends a little farther out to sea than the others, on which 
there is no wood at all. We named this place Island Cape/ 
near which we saw a canoe containing five or six savages, who 
came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on 
the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe them, 
and to give each one of them a knife and some biscuit, which 
caused them to dance again better than before. This over, 
I made them understand, as well as I could, that I desired them 
to show me the course of the shore. After I had drawn with 
a crayon the bay, and the Island Cape, where we were, with the 
same crayon they drew the outhne of another bay,^ which they 
represented as very large; here they placed six pebbles at 
equal distances apart, giving me to understand by this that 
these signs represented as many chiefs and tribes. Then they 
drew within the first-mentioned bay a river which we had passed, 
which has shoals and is very long.^ We found in this place a 
great many vines, the green grapes on which were a little 
larger than peas, also many nut-trees, the nuts on which were 
no larger than musket-balls. The savages told us that all 
those inhabiting this country cultivated the land and sowed 
seeds hke the others, whom we had before seen. The latitude 
of this place is 43° and some minutes. Saihng half a league 
farther, we observed several savages on a rocky point,"* who 
ran along the shore, dancing as they went, to their companions 
to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the 
direction of their abode, they made a signal with smoke to 
show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near a 
httle island,^ and sent our canoe with knives and cakes for 
the savages. From the large number of those we saw, we 
concluded that [these places were better inhabited than the 
others we had seen. 

* Cape Ann, so called, later, in memory of the queen of James I. of Eng- 
land. 

* Massachusetts Bay. 

' The Merrimac, which Champlain had passed unperceived. 

* Emerson Point, the eastern extremity of Cape Ann. 

* Thatcher's Island. The next anchorage was almost certainly in Bos- 
ton Harbor. 



66 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

After a stay of some two hours for the sake of observing 
these people, whose canoes are made of birch bark, hke those 
of the Canadians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed 
anchor and set sail with a promise of fine weather. Continu- 
ing our course to the west-south-west, we saw numerous 
islands on one side and the other. Having sailed seven or 
eight leagues, we anchored near an island, whence we ob- 
served many smokes along the shore, and many savages run- 
ning up to see us. Sieur de Monts sent two or three men 
in a canoe to them, to whom he gave some knives and pater- 
nosters to present to them; with which they were greatly 
pleased, and danced several times in acknowledgment. We 
could not ascertain the name of their chief, as we did not 
know their language. All along the shore there is a great deal 
of land cleared up and planted with Indian corn. The country 
is very pleasant and agreeable, and there is no lack of fine 
trees. The canoes of those who live there are made of a single 
piece, and are very hable to turn over if one is not skilful in 
managing them. We had not before seen any of this kind. 
They are made in the following manner. After cutting down, 
at a cost of much labor and time, the largest and tallest tree 
they can find, by means of stone hatchets (for they have no 
others except some few which they received from the savages 
on the coasts of La Cadie,^ who obtained them in exchange 
for furs), they remove the bark, and round off the tree except 
on one side, where they apply fire gradually along its entire 
length; and sometimes they put red-hot pebble-stones on top. 
When the fire is too fierce, they extinguish it with a little water, 
not entirely, but so that the edge of the boat may not be burnt. 
It being hollowed out as much as they wish, they scrape it all 
over with stones, which they use instead of knives. These 
stones resemble our musket flints. 

* This is the spelling given in de Monts' commission from Henry IV. in 
1603. (Lescarbot, book iv.) Champlain spells it in different ways in differ- 
ent places. Arcadie, Accadie, Acadie, L'Accadie, L'Arcadie, L'Acadie are 
found in writers of the time, and several Latinized forms terminating in ia. 
It is a common Indian termination probably meaning "place"; e.gr., Shu- 
benacadie, Tracadie, Passamaquoddy, etc. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-160T 67 

On the next day, the 17th of the month, we weighed 
anchor to go to a cape we had seen the day before, which 
seemed to lie on our south-south-west. This day we were 
able to make only five leagues, and we passed by some islands ^ 
covered with wood. I observed in the bay all that the savages 
had described to me at Island Cape. As we continued our 
course, large numbers came to us in canoes from the islands and 
main land. We anchored a league from a cape, which we 
named St. Louis,^ where we noticed smoke in several places. 
While in the act of going there, our barque grounded on a rock, 
where we were in great danger, for, if we had not speedily got 
it off, it would have overturned in the sea, since the tide was 
falling all around, and there were five or six fathoms of water. 
But God preserved us, and we anchored near the above-named 
cape, when there came to us fifteen or sixteen canoes of savages. 
In some of them there were fifteen or sixteen, who began to 
manifest great signs of joy, and made various harangues, 
which we could not in the least understand. Sieur de Monts 
sent three or four men on shore in our canoe, not only to get 
water, but to see their chief, whose name was Honabetha. The 
latter had a number of knives and other trifles, which Sieur de 
Monts gave him, when he came alongside to see us, together 
with some of his companions, who were present both along 
the shore and in their canoes. We received the chief very cor- 
dially, and made him welcome; who, after remaining some 
time, went back. Those whom we had sent to them brought 
us some Httle squashes as big as the fist, which we ate as a 
salad, hke cucumbers, and which we found very good. They 
brought also some purslane, which grows in large quantities 
among the Indian corn, and of which they make no more 
account than of weeds. We saw here a great many httle 
houses, scattered over the fields where they plant their Indian 
corn. 

There is, moreover, in this bay a very broad river, which 
we named River du Guast.^ It stretches, as it seemed to me, 

* The islands in Boston Bay. ^ Brant Point. 

* Charles River. They named it in honor of Pierre du Guast, Sieur de 



68 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

towards the Iroquois, a nation in open warfare with the 
Montagnais, who Uve on the great river St. Lawrence. 

Chapter 8 

Continuation of the discoveries along the coast of the Almou- 
chiquois, and what we observed in detail. 

The next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, so named by Sieur 
de Monts, a land rather low, and in latitude 42° 45'. The same 
day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we passed 
along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The 
wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time 
favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three 
canoes, which had just been fishing for cod and other fish, 
which are found there in large numbers. These they catch 
with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone 
in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole 
has a fang-shape, and the Hne attached to it is made out of the 
bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took 
as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, 
Uke that in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that 
they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it ; 
and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet. 
This canoe went back on shore to give notice to their fellow 
inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke to arise on our ac- 
count. We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to the 
shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give 
them some bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. 
Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. 
We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account 
of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were ac- 
cordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ashore, 
where I saw many others, who received us very cordially. I 
made also an examination of the river, but saw only an arm 

Monts. Champlain spells it du Gas; Lescarbot sometimes da Gua, and 
sometimes de Guast ; Charlevoix du Guast. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 69 

of water extending a short distance inland, where the land is 
only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook 
not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit 
of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance 
to this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered 
with wood, principally pines, and adjoins sand-banks, which 
are very extensive. On the other side, the land is high. 
There are two islets in this bay, which are not seen until one 
has entered, and around which it is almost entirely dry at low 
tide. This place is very conspicuous from the sea, for the 
coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance to the 
bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis,^ distant 
two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the 
Island Cape. It is in about the same latitude as Cap St. 
Louis. 

On the 19th of the month, we set out from this place. 
Coasting along in a southerly direction, we sailed four or five 
leagues, and passed near a rock on a level with the surface of 
the water. As we continued our course, we saw some land 
which seemed to us to be islands, but as we came nearer we 
found it to be the main land, lying to the north-north-west of 
us, and that it was the cape of a large bay,^ containing more 
than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into which we 
had run so far that we had to wear off on the other tack in 
order to double the cape which we had seen. The latter we 
named Cap Blanc,^ since it contained sands and downs 
which had a white appearance. A favorable wind was of 
great assistance to us here, for otherwise we should have been 
in danger of being driven upon the coast. This bay is very 
safe, provided the land be not approached nearer than a good 
league, there being no islands nor rocks except that just 

* Plymouth Harbor, where in 1620 the Mayflower cast anchor with the 
Pilgrims, It was visited and named by Captain John Smith in 1614. Of the 
two islets mentioned above and in other seventeenth-century narratives, 
one has since disappeared. 

^ Cape Cod Bay. 

^ Cape Cod, so named by Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602. See Early 
English and French Voyages, p. 331, note 1. 



70 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

mentioned, which is near a river that extends some distance 
inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc, ^ whence 
across to Cap St. Louis the distance is ten leagues. Cap 
Blanc is a point of sand, which bends around towards the 
south some six leagues. This coast is rather high, and con- 
sists of sand, which is very conspicuous as one comes from 
the sea. At a distance of some fifteen or eighteen leagues 
from land, the depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty 
fathoms, but only ten on nearing the shore, which is unob- 
structed. There is a large extent of open country along the 
shore before reaching the woods, which are very attractive 
and beautiful. We anchored off the coast, and saw some 
savages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. 
Making their way upon a sand-bank, they observed something 
like a bay, and cabins bordering it on all sides. When they 
were about a league and a half from us, there came to them 
a savage dancing all over, as they expressed it. He had come 
down from the high shore, but turned about shortly after to 
inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival. 

The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place 
which our men had seen, and which we found a very danger- 
ous harbor in consequence of the shoals and banks, where we 
saw breakers in all directions. It was almost low tide when 
we entered, and there were only foiu* feet of water in the 
northern passage ; at high tide, there are two fathoms. After 
we had entered, we found the place very spacious, being per- 
haps three or four leagues in circuit, entirely surrounded by 
little houses, around each one of which there was as much 
land as the occupant needed for his support. A small river 
enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide 
there are some three and a half feet of water. There are also 
two or three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a 
very fine place, if the harbor were good. I took the altitude, 
and found the latitude 42°, and the deflection of the magnetic 
needle 18° 40'. Many savages, men and women, visited us, 

' Wellfleet Harbor or Herring River. (Slafter.) 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 71 

and ran up on all sides dancing. We named this place Port 
de Mallebarre/ 

The next day, the 21st of the month, Sieur de Monts de- 
termined to go and see their habitation. Nine or ten of 
us accompanied him with our arms; the rest remained to 
guard the barque. We went about a league along the coast. 
Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field planted with 
Indian corn in the manner before described. The corn was 
in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was some less 
advanced, which they plant later. We saw many Brazihan 
beans, and many squashes of various sizes, very good for eat- 
ing; some tobacco, and roots which they cultivate, the latter _ 
having the taste of an artichoke. The woods are filled withi 
oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful cypresses,^ which are of a red- ' 
dish color and have a very pleasant odor. There were also 
several fields entirely uncultivated, the land being allowed to 
remain fallow. When they wish to plant it, they set fire to 
the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden spades. 
Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made 
of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and 
a half, whence the smoke from the fire passes out. We asked 
them if they had their permanent abode in this place, and 
whether there was much snow. But we were unable to ascer- 
tain this fully from them, not understanding their language, 
although they made an attempt to inform us by signs, by 
taking some sand in their hands, spreading it out over the 
ground, and indicating that it was of the color of our collars, 
and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made signs 
that there was less, and gave us to understand also that the 
harbor never froze ; but we were unable to ascertain whether 
the snow lasted long. I conclude, however, that this region 
is of moderate temperature, and the winter not severe. While 
we were there, there was a north-east storm, which lasted four 
days; the sky being so overcast that the sun hardly shone at 
all. It was very cold, and we were obHged to put on our great- 

* Nauset Harbor, though its outhne has changed greatly since 1605. 
^The red cedar (Juniperus Virginiana). 



72 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

coats, which we had entirely left off. Yet I think the cold was 
accidental, as it is often experienced elsewhere out of season. 
On the 23d of July, four or five seamen having gone on 
shore with some kettles to get fresh water, which was to be 
found in one of the sand-banks a short distance from our 
barque, some of the savages, coveting them, watched the time 
when our men went to the spring, and then seized one out of 
the hands of a sailor, who was the first to dip, and who had 
no weapons. One of his companions, starting to run after 
him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran 
much faster than himself. The other savages, of whom there 
were a large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, 
and at the same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to 
flight. At the time there were some of them in our barque, 
who threw themselves into the sea, only one of whom we 
were able to seize. Those on the land who had taken to 
flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight to the sailor 
from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled sev- 
eral arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. 
Seeing this, they ran at once to him, and despatched him 
with their knives. Meanwhile, haste was made to go on 
shore, and muskets were fired from our barque : mine, burst- 
ing in my hands, came near killing me. The savages, hearing 
this discharge of fire-arms, took to flight, and with redoubled 
speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were afraid 
when they saw us running after them. There was no hkeli- 
hood of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses. 
We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried some 
hours later.^ Meanwhile, we kept the prisoner bound by the 
feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might 
escape. But Sieur de Monts resolved to let him go, being 
persuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had no pre- 
vious knowledge of what had transpired, as also those who, at 

^ This sailor was the first white man to be buried on New England soil, 
save perhaps Thorwald, son of Eric the Red. See The Northmen, ColumhiLS 
and Cabot, in this series, p, 56. 

In spite of this encounter, the relations of the French to the Indians 
were, in general, much more friendly than those of the more surly British. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 73 

the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later 
there came some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indi- 
cating by signs and demonstrations that it was not they who 
had committed this mahcious act, but others farther off in 
the interior. We did not wish to harm them, although it 
was in our power to avenge ourselves. 

All these savages from the Island Cape wear neither robes 
nor furs, except very rarely : moreover, their robes are made 
of grasses and hemp, scarcely covering the body, and com- \ 
ing down only to their thighs. They have only the sexual 
parts concealed with a small piece of leather ; so Ukewise the 
women, with whom it comes down a httle lower behind than 
with the men, all the rest of the body being naked. When- 
ever the women came to see us, they wore robes which were 
open in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the 
head hke those at the river Chotiacoet. I saw, among other 
things, a girl with her hair very neatly dressed, with a skin 
colored red, and bordered on the upper part with Httle shell- 
beads. A part of her hair hung down behind, the rest being 
braided in various ways. These people paint the face red, 
black, and yellow. They have scarcely any beard, and tear it 
out as fast as it grows. Their bodies are well-proportioned. 
I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in 
this respect they resemble their neighbors, who have none at 
all. They know not how to worship or pray; yet, Hke the 
other savages, they have some superstitions, which I shall 
describe in their place. As for weapons, they have only pikes, 
clubs, bows and arrows. It would seem from their appearance 
that they have a good disposition, better than those of the 
north, but they are all in fact of no great worth.^ Even a 
sHght intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of 
them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of 
any thing with their hands, they try to do so with their feet, 
as we have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion 
that, if they had any thing to exchange with us, they would not 

* Lescarbot, while admitting their penchant for theft, speaks in much 
more kindly terms of the Indians. 



74 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

give themselves to thieving. They bartered away to us their 
bows, arrows, and quivers, for pins and buttons ; and if they 
had had any thing else better they would have done the same 
with it. It is necessary to be on one's guard against this peo- 
ple, and Hve in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting 
them perceive it. They gave us a large quantity of tobacco, 
which they dry and then reduce to powder. When they eat 
Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in 
a way different from ours.^ They bray it also in wooden mor- 
tars and reduce it to flour, of which they then make cakes, 
hke the Indians of Peru. 

In this place and along the whole coast from Quinibequy, 
there are a great many siguenocs,^ which is a fish with a shell 
on its back like the tortoise, yet different, there being in 
the middle a row of httle prickles, of the color of a dead leaf, 
Hke the rest of the fish. At the end of this shell, there is 
another still smaller, bordered by very sharp points. The 
length of the tail varies according to their size. With the 
end of it, these people point their arrows, and it contains 
also a row of prickles like the large shell in which are the 
eyes. There are eight small feet hke those of the crab, arid 
two behind longer and flatter, which they use in swimming. 
There are also in front two other very small ones with which 
they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed except- 
ing the two hindermost, which are slightly visible. Under the 
small shell there are membranes which swell up, and beat hke 
the throat of a frog, and rest upon each other hke the folds of 
a waistcoat. The largest specimen of this fish that I saw was 
a foot broad, and a foot and a half long. 

We saw also a sea-bird ^ with a black beak, the upper part 
shghtly aquihne, four inches long and in the form of a lancet ; 

^ A description of this savage pottery, the manufacture of which was 
carried on exclusively by the women, is given in Sagard, Histoire du Canada 
(1636, reprinted 1866), book ii., ch. xiii. 

^ Limulus Polyphemus, the horse-shoe, or king-crab. 

^ Rhynchops nigra. It has a variety of local names : black skinner, 
cut-water, razor-bill," etc. It is frequent in South Carolina and the Gulf 
States, but is only occasionally seen in New England. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 75 

namely, the lower part representing the handle and the upper 
the blade, which is thin, sharp on both sides, and shorter by 
a third than the other, which circumstance is a matter of 
astonishment to many persons, who cannot comprehend how 
it is possible for this bird to eat with such a beak. It is of 
the size of a pigeon, the wings being very long in proportion 
to the body, the tail short, as also the legs, which are red ; the 
feet being small and flat. The plumage on the upper part is 
gray-brown, and on the under part pure white. They go 
always in flocks along the sea-shore, hke the pigeons with us. 
The savages, along all these coasts where we have been, say 
that other birds, which are very large, come along when their 
corn is ripe. They imitated for us their cry, which resembles 
that of the turkey.^ They showed us their feathers in several 
places, with which they feather their arrows, and which they 
put on their heads for decoration; and also a kind of hair 
which they have under the throat like those we have in France, 
and they say that a red crest falls over upon the beak. Accord- 
ing to their description, they are as large as a bustard, which is 
a kind of goose, having the neck longer and twice as large as 
those with us. All these indications led us to conclude that 
they were turkeys. We should have been very glad to see 
some of these birds, as well as their feathers, for the sake of 
greater certainty. Before seeing their feathers, and the little 
bunch of hair which they have under the throat, and hearing 
their cry imitated, I should have thought that they were cer- 
tain birds hke turkeys, which are found in some places in Peru, 
along the sea-shore, eating carrion and other dead things like 
crows. But these are not so large ; nor do they have so long a 
bill, or a cry hke that of real turkeys ; nor are they good to eat 
hke those which the Indians say come in flocks in summer, and 
at the beginning of winter go away to warmer countries, their 
natural dwelling-place. 

^ The wild turkey, long since extirpated in New England, though still 
found occasionally in Canada, and frequently in the Southern States. 



76 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

Chapter 9 
Return from the discoveries along the coast of the Almouchiquois. 

We had spent more than five weeks in going over three de- 
grees of latitude, and our voyage was Hmited to six, since we 
had not taken provisions for a longer time. In consequence 
of fogs and storms, we had not been able to go farther than 
Mallebarre, where we waited several days for fair weather, in 
order to sail. Finding ourselves accordingly pressed by the 
scantiness of provisions, Sieur de Monts determined to return 
to the Island of St. Croix, in order to find another place more 
favorable for our settlement, as we had not been able to do on 
any of the coasts which we had explored on this voyage. 

Accordingly, on the 25th of July, we set out from this 
harbor, in order to make observations elsewhere. In going 
out, we came near being lost on the bar at the entrance, from 
the mistake of our pilots, Cramolet and Champdore, masters 
of the barque, who had imperfectly marked out the entrance 
of the channel on the southern side, where we were to go. 
Having escaped this danger, we headed north-east for six 
leagues, until we reached Cap Blanc, saiHng on from there 
to Island Cape, a distance of fifteen leagues, with the same 
wind. Then we headed east-north-east sixteen leagues, as 
far as Choiiacoet, where we saw the savage chief, Marchin, 
whom we had expected to see at the Lake Quinibequy. He 
had the reputation of being one of the vahant ones of his 
people. He had a fine appearance : all his motions were dig- 
nified, savage as he was. Sieur de Monts gave him many 
presents, with which he was greatly pleased; and, in return, 
Marchin gave him a young Etechemin boy, whom he had 
captured in war, and whom we took away with us ; and thus 
we set out, mutually good friends. We headed north-east a 
quarter east for fifteen leagues, as far as Quinibequy, where 
we arrived on the 29th of the month, and where we were 
expecting to find a savage, named Sasinou, of whom I spoke 



1605] THE VOYAGES OE 1604-1607 77 

before. Thinking that he would come, we waited some time 
for him, in order to recover from him an Etechemin young 
man and girl, whom he was holding as prisoners. While 
waiting, there came to us a captain called Anassou, who traf- 
ficked a Httle in furs, and with whom we made an alliance. 
He told us that there was a ship,^ ten leagues off the harbor, 
which was engaged in fishing, and that those on her had killed 
five savages of this river, under cover of friendship. From his 
description of the men on the vessel, we concluded that they 
were Engh^h, and we named the island where they were La 
Nef ; ^ for, at a distance, it had the appearance of a ship. Find- 
ing that the above-mentioned Sasinou did not come, we headed 
east-south-east, for twenty leagues, to Isle Haute, where we 
anchored for the night. 

On the next day, the 1st of August, we sailed east some 
twenty leagues to Cap Corneille,^ where we spent the night. 
On the 2d of the month, we sailed north-east seven leagues 
to the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the western shore. 
Having anchored between the two first islands,^ Sieur de 
Monts embarked in a canoe, at a distance of six leagues from 
the settlement of St. Croix, where we arrived the next day 
with our barque. We found there Sieur des Antons of St. 
Malo, who had come in one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, 
to bring provisions and also other supphes for those who were 
to winter in this country. 

^This was doubtless the Archangel, commanded by Captain George 
Waymouth, though the latter had sailed for England on June 26, new style. 
See Rosier's True Relation, in Early English and French Voyages, and espe- 
cially p. 378. The five savages spoken of were not killed, but kindly treated, 
and carried off to England, where they gave much information to the cele- 
brated Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

^ Monhegan. 

' Meaning Crow Cape ; probably a point near Machias, Maine. 

* Between Campobello and Moose Island, on which is situated the town 
of Eastport. (Slafter.) 



78 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

Chapter 10 

The dwelling-place on the island of St. Croix transferred to Port 
Royal, and the reason why. 

Sieur de Monts determined to change his location, and 
make another settlement, in order to avoid the severe cold and 
the bad winter which we had had in the Island of St. Croix. 
As we had not, up to that time, found any suitable harbor, 
and, in view of the short time we had for building houses in 
which to establish ourselves, we fitted out two barques, and 
loaded them with the frame-work taken from the houses of St. 
Croix, in order to transport it to Port Royal, twenty-five 
leagues distant, where we thought the chmate was much more 
temperate and agreeable. Pont Grave and I set out for that 
place; and, having arrived, we looked for a site favorable for 
our residence, under shelter from the north-west wind, which 
we dreaded, having been very much harassed by it. 

After searching carefully in all directions, we found no 
place more suitable and better situated than one slightly 
elevated, about which there are some marshes and good springs 
of water. This place is opposite the island at the mouth of the 
river Equille. To the north of us about a league, there is a 
range of mountains, extending nearly ten leagues in a north- 
east and south-west direction. The whole country is filled 
with thick forests, as I mentioned above, except at a point 
a league and a half up the river, where there are some oaks, 
although scattering, and many wild vines, which one could 
easily remove and put the soil under cultivation, notwith- 
standing it is fight and sandy. We had almost resolved to 
build there; but the consideration that we should have been 
too far up the harbor and river led us to change our mind. 

Recognizing accordingly the site of our habitation^ as a 
good one, we began to clear up the ground, which was full 
of trees, and to erect houses as soon as possible. Each one 

^ See p. 34, note 4. 



1605] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 79 

was busy in this work. After everything had been arranged, 
and the majority of the dwelhngs built, Sieur de Monts de- 
termined to return to France, in order to petition his Majesty 
to grant him all that might be necessary for his undertaking. 
He had desired to leave Sieur d'Orville to command in this 
place in his absence. But the chmatic malady, mal de la terre, 
with which he was afflicted would not allow him to gratify 
the wish of Sieur de Monts. On this account, a conference 
was held with Pont Grave on the subject, to whom this charge 
was offered, which he was happy to accept; and he finished 
what httle of the habitation remained to be built. I, at the 
same time, hoping to have an opportunity to make some new 
explorations towards Florida, determined to stay there also, 
of which Sieur de Monts approved. 



Chapter 11 

What took place after the departure of Sieur de Monts, until, 
no tidings of what he had promised being received, we 
departed from Port Royal to return to France. 

As soon as Sieur de Monts had departed, a portion of the 
forty or forty-five who remained began to make gardens. 
I, also, for the sake of occupying my time, made one, which was 
surrounded with ditches full of water, in which I placed some 
fine trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine run- 
ning water, from which the greater part of our settlement 
was supphed. I made also a httle sluice-way towards the 
shore, in order to draw off the water when I wished. This spot 
was entirely surrounded by meadows, where I constructed a 
summer-house, with some fine trees, as a resort for enjoying 
the fresh air. I made there, also, a httle reservoir for holding 
salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them. I 
took especial pleasure in it, and planted there some seeds which 
turned out well. But much work had to be laid out in prepara- 
tion. We resorted often to this place as a pastime; and it 



80 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1605 

seemed as if the little birds round about took pleasure in it, 
for they gathered there in large numbers, warbhng and chirping 
so pleasantly that I think I never heard the Uke. 

The plan of the settlement was ten fathoms long and eight 
wide, making the distance round thirty-six. On the eastern 
side is a store-house, occupying the width of it, and a very 
fine cellar from five to six feet deep. On the northern side 
are the quarters of Sieur de Monts, handsomely finished. 
About the back yard are the dwellings of the workmen. 
At a corner of the western side is a platform, where four can- 
non were placed ; and at the other corner, towards the east, 
is a pahsade shaped Hke a platform, as can be seen from the 
accompanying illustration. 

Some days after the buildings were completed, I went to 
the river St. John to find the savage named Secondon, the 
same that conducted Prevert's party to the copper-mine, 
which I had already gone in search of with Sieur de Monts, 
when we were at the Port of Mines, though without success. 
Having found him, I begged him to go there with us, which 
he very readily consented to do, and proceeded to show it to us. 
We found there some Httle pieces of copper of the thickness 
of a sou, and others still thicker imbedded in grayish and 
red rocks. The miner accompanying us, whose name was 
Master Jacques, a native of Sclavonia, a man very skilful in 
searching for minerals, made the entire circuit of the hills 
to see if he could find any gangue,^ but without success. Yet 
he found, some steps from where we had taken the pieces of 
copper before mentioned, something hke a mine, which, how- 
ever, was far from being one. He said that, from the appear- 
ance of the soil, it might prove to be good, if it were worked; 
and that it was not probable that there could be pure copper 
on the surface of the earth, without there being a large quan- 
tity of it underneath. The truth is that, if the water did not 

* The matrix in which an ore is found. Professor Ganong, Acadiensis, 
IV. 202, thinks the mines alluded to in the next sentences must have been 
on the New Brunswick shore of the bay, where the map of 1632 has the legend 
"C. des Mines." 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 81 

cover the mines twice a day, and if they did not lie in such 
hard rocks, something might be expected from them. 

After making this observation, we returned to our settle- 
ment, where we found some of our company sick with the 
mal de la terre, but not so seriously as at the Island of St. 
Croix ; although, out of our number of forty-five, twelve died, 
including the miner, and five were sick, who recovered the 
following spring. Our surgeon, named Des Champs, from 
Honfleur, skiKul in his profession, opened some of the bodies, 
to see whether he might be more successful in discovering the 
cause of the maladies than our surgeons had been the year 
before. He foimd the parts of the body affected in the same 
manner as those opened at the Island of St. Croix, but could 
discover no means of curing them, any more than the other 
surgeons. 

On the 20th of December, it began to snow, and some ice 
passed along before our settlement. The winter was not so 
sharp as the year before, nor the snow so deep, or of so long 
duration. Among other incidents, the wind was so violent 
on the 20th of February, 1605,^ that it blew over a large 
nimaber of trees, roots and all, and broke off many others. 
It was a remarkable sight. The rains were very frequent, 
which was the cause of the mild winter in comparison with 
the past one, although it is only twenty-five leagues from 
Port Royal to St. Croix. 

On the first day of March, Pont Grav^ ordered a barque of 
seventeen or eighteen tons to be fitted up, which was ready 
on the 15th, in order to go on a voyage of discovery along 
the coast of Florida.^ With this view, we set out on the 16th 
following, but were obUged to put in at an island to the south 
of Manan, having gone that day eighteen leagues. We an- 
chored in a sandy cove, exposed to the sea and the south 

* 1606. This is probably a slip, rather than an instance of the old cus- 
tom of commencing the year at Easter; for in ch. xvi., and thencefor- 
ward, Champlain counts as do we. (Laverdiere.) Up to 1564 in France 
the civil year began at Easter. 

^ Florida, as the term was then used, extended from the peninsula in- 
definitely to the north. 



82 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

wind/ The latter increased, during the night, to such an 
impetuosity that we could not stand by our anchor, and were 
compelled, without choice, to go ashore, at the mercy of God 
and the waves. The latter were so heavy and furious that 
while we were attaching the buoy to the anchor, so as to cut 
the cable at the hawse-hole, it did not give us time, but broke 
straightway of itself. The wind and the sea cast us as the 
wave receded upon a httle rock, and we awaited only the 
moment to see our barque break up, and to save ourselves, 
if possible, upon its fragments. In these desperate straits, 
after we had received several waves, there came one so large 
and fortunate for us that it carried us over the rock, and threw 
us on to a little sandy beach, which insured us for this time 
from shipwreck. 

The barque being on shore, we began at once to unload 
what there was in her, in order to ascertain where the dam- 
age was, which was not so great as we expected. She was 
speedily repaired by the dihgence of Champdore, her master. 
Having been put in order, she was reloaded; and we waited 
for fair weather and until the fury of the sea should abate, 
which was not until the end of four days, namely, the 21st of 
March, when we set out from this miserable place, and pro- 
ceeded to Port aux Coquilles,^ seven or eight leagues distant. 
The latter is at the mouth of the river St. Croix, where there 
was a large quantity of snow. We stayed there until the 29th 
of the month, in consequence of the fogs and contrary winds, 
which are usual at this season, when Pont Grave determined 
to put back to Port Royal, to see in what condition our com- 
panions were, whom we had left there sick. Having arrived 
there, Pont Grave was attacked with illness, which delayed 
us until the 8th of April. 

On the 9th of the month he embarked, although still in- 
disposed, from his desire to see the coast of Florida, and in the 
behef that a change of air would restore his health. The 

^ Seal Cove, between the southwest end of Grand Manan and Wood 
Island. The barque was thrown upon the latter. 

* I.e., Shell Harbor, probably the modern Head Harbor. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 83 

same day we anchored and passed the night at the mouth of 
the harbor, two leagues distant from our settlement. 

The next morning before day, Champdore came to ask 
Pont Grave if he wished to have the anchor raised, who re- 
pHed in the affirmative, if he deemed the weather favorable 
for setting out. Upon this, Champdore had the anchor 
raised at once, and the sail spread to the wind, which was 
north-north-east, according to his report. The weather was 
thick and rainy, and the air full of fog, with indications of 
foul rather than fair weather. 

While going out of the mouth of the harbor, we were 
suddenly carried by the tide out of the passage, and, before 
perceiving them, were driven upon the rocks on the east- 
north-east coast .^ Pont Grave and I, who were asleep, were 
awaked by hearing the sailors shouting and exclaiming, '^We 
are lost !" which brought me quickly to my feet, to see what 
was the matter. Pont Grave was still ill, which prevented 
him from rising as quickly as he wished. I was scarcely on 
deck, when the barque was thrown upon the coast; and the 
wind, which was north, drove us upon a point. We unfurled 
the mainsail, turned it to the wind, and hauled it up as high 
as we could, that it might drive us up as far as possible on 
the rocks, for fear that the reflux of the sea, which fortunately 
was falling, would draw us in, when it would have been im- 
possible to save ourselves. At the first blow of our boat upon 
the rocks, the rudder broke, a part of the keel and three or 
four planks were smashed, and some ribs stove in, which 
frightened us, for our barque filled immediately ; and all that 
we could do was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get 
ashore. For, otherwise, we were in danger of our fives, in con- 
sequence of the swell, which was very high and furious about 
us. The sea having fallen, we went on shore amid the storm, 
when the barque was speedily unloaded, and we saved a large 
portion of the provisions in her, with the help of the savage. 
Captain Secondon and his companions, who came to us with 

* On the Granville side of Digby Strait. The French text reads east- 
north-west, an evident misprint. (Slafter.) 



84 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

their canoes, to carry to our habitation what we had saved 
from our barque, which, all shattered as she was, went to pieces 
at the return of the tide. But we, most happy at having saved 
our Uves, returned to our settlement with our poor savages, 
who stayed there a large part of the winter; and we praised 
God for having rescued us from this shipwreck, from which we 
had not expected to escape so easily. 

The loss of our barque caused us great regret, since we 
found ourselves, through want of a vessel, deprived of the pros- 
pect of being able to accomphsh the voyage we had under- 
taken. And we were unable to build another; for time 
was pressing, and although there was another barque on the 
stocks, yet it would have required too long to get it ready, 
and we could scarcely have made use of it before the return 
from France of the vessels we were daily expecting. 

This was a great misfortune, and owing to the lack of 
foresight on the part of the master, who was obstinate, but 
little acquainted with seamanship, and trusting only his own 
head. He was a good carpenter, skilful in building vessels, 
and careful in provisioning them with all necessaries, but in 
no wise adapted to sailing them. 

Pont Grav6, having arrived at the settlement, received the 
evidence against Champdore, who was accused of having run 
the barque on shore with evil intent. Upon such informa- 
tion, he was imprisoned and handcuffed, with the intention 
of taking him to France and handing him over to Sieur de 
Monts, to be treated as justice might direct. 

On the 15th of June, Pont Grave, finding that the ves- 
sels did not return from France, had the handcuffs taken off 
from Champdore, that he might finish the barque which was 
on the stocks, which service he discharged very well. 

On the 16th of July, the time when we were to leave, in 
case the vessels had not returned, as was provided in the com- 
mission which Sieur de Monts had given to Pont Grave, we 
set out from our settlement to go to Cape Breton or to Gasp^ 
in search of means of returning to France, since we had re- 
ceived no intelligence from there. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 85 

Two of our men remained, of their own accord, to take 
care of the provisions which were left at the settlement, to 
each of whom Pont Grave promised fifty crowns in money, 
and fifty more at which he agreed to estimate their pay when 
he should come to get them the following year/ 

There was a captain of the savages named Mabretou,^ 
who promised to take care of them, and that they should be 
treated as kindly as his own children. We foimd him a 
friendly savage all the time we were there, although he had 
the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his 
tribe. 

Chapter 12 

Departure from Port Royal to return to France. Meeting Ral- 
leau at Cape Sable, which caused us to turn hack. 

On the 17th of the month, in accordance with the resolu- 
tion we had formed, we set out from the mouth of Port 
Royal with two barques, one of eighteen tons, the other of seven 
or eight, with the view of pursuing the voyage to Cape Breton 
or Canseau. We anchored in the strait of Long Island, 
where dm-ing the night our cable broke, and we came near 
being lost, owing to the violent tides which strike upon several 
rocky points in and about this place. But, through the dih- 
gent exertions of all, we were saved, and escaped once more. 

On the 21st of the month there was a violent wind, which 
broke the irons of our rudder between Long Island and Cape 
Fourchu, and reduced us to such extremities that we were at 
a loss what to do. For the fury of the sea did not permit us 
to land, since the breakers ran mountain high along the coast, 
so that we resolved to perish in the sea rather than to land, 
hoping that the wind and tempest would abate, so that, with 

* Lescarbot has preserved their names : La Taille and Miquelet. 

^ The spelhng of Lescarbot and of Father Biard, Membertou, is adopted 
by Parkman, Membertou claimed to be more than one hundred years old, 
and to have been a married man at the time of the visit of Jacques Cartier. 
He was converted by the Jesuits, and made a most edifying end. 



86 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

the wind astern, we might go ashore on some sandy beach. 
As each one thought by himself what might be done for our 
preservation, a sailor said that a quantity of cordage attached 
to the stern of our barque, and dragging in the water, might 
serve in some measure to steer our vessel. But this was of no 
avail; and we saw that, unless God should aid us by other 
means, this would not preserve us from shipwreck. As we were 
thinking what could be done for our safety, Champdore, 
who had been again handcuffed, said to some of us that, if 
Pont Grave desired it, he would find means to steer our barque. 
This we reported to Pont Grave, who did not refuse this offer, 
and the rest of us still less. He accordingly had his handcuffs 
taken off the second time, and at once taking a rope, he cut 
it and fastened the rudder with it in such a skilful manner that 
it would steer the ship as well as ever. In this way, he made 
amends for the mistakes he had made leading to the loss of the 
previous barque, and was discharged from his accusation 
through our entreaties to Pont Grave who, although somewhat 
reluctantly, acceded to it. 

The same day we anchored near La Baye Courante,^ two 
leagues from Cape Fourchu, and there our barque was re- 
paired. 

On the 23d of July, we proceeded near to Cape Sable. 

On the 24th of the month, at two o'clock in the afternoon, 
we perceived a shallop, near Cormorant Island, coming from 
Cape Sable. Some thought it was savages going away from 
Cape Breton or the Island of Canseau. Others said it might 
be shallops sent from Canseau to get news of us. Finally, as 
we approached nearer, we saw that they were Frenchmen, 
which delighted us greatly. When it had almost reached us, 
we recognized Ralleau, the secretary of Sieur de Monts, 
which redoubled our joy. He informed us that Sieur de 
Monts had despatched a vessel of a hundred and twenty tons, 
commanded by Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come with 
fifty men to act as Lieutenant-General, and hve in the coun- 

^ The bay at the mouth of Argyll River, sometimes called Lobster Bay. 
(Slafter.) 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 87 

try; that he had landed at Canseau, whence the above- 
mentioned vessel had gone out to sea, in order, if possible, to 
find us, while he, meanwhile, was proceeding along the coast 
in a shallop, in order to meet us in case we should have set 
out, supposing we had departed from Port Royal, as was in 
fact the case : in so doing, they acted very wisely. All this 
intelhgence caused us to turn back ; and we arrived at Port 
Royal on the 25th of the month, where we found the above- 
mentioned vessel and Sieur de Poutrincourt, and were greatly 
dehghted to see reaUzed what we had given up in despair/ 
He told us that his delay had been caused by an accident 
which happened to the ship in leaving the boom at Rochelle, 
where he had taken his departure, and that he had been hin- 
dered by bad weather on his voyage. 

The next day, Sieur de Poutrincourt proceeded to set forth 
his views as to what should be done ; and, in accordance with 
the opinion of all, he resolved to stay at Port Royal this 
year, inasmuch as no discovery had been made since the de- 
parture of Sieur de Monts, and the period of four months 
before winter was not long enough to search out a site and 
construct another settlement, especially in a large vessel, 
unhke a barque which draws little water, searches everywhere, 
and finds places to one's mind for effecting settlements. 
But he decided that, during this period, nothing more should 
be done than to try to find some place better adapted for our 
abode. 

Thus deciding, Sieur de Poutrincourt despatched at once 
some laborers to work on the land in a spot ^ which he deemed 
suitable, up the river, a league and a haK from the settlement 
of Port Royal, and where we had thought of making our 
abode. Here he ordered wheat, rye, hemp, and several other 
kinds of seeds, to be sown, in order to ascertain how they 
would flourish. 

^ Lesearbot, who was on board this vessel, the Jonas, has given a long 
account of their voyage, and of their reception. He fixes the date of Poutrin- 
court's arrival on July 27, and that of Pontgrav6 and Champlain on the 31st, 
which is probably correct. See Lesearbot, book iv., chs. ix.-xiii. 

^ Where the village of Annapolis now stands. 



88 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

On the 22d of August, a small barque was seen approach- 
ing our settlement. It was that of Des Antons, of St. Malo, 
who had come from Canseau, where his vessel was engaged 
in fishing, to inform us that there were some vessels* about 
Cape Breton engaged in the fur-trade; and that, if we would 
send our ship, we might capture them on the point of return- 
ing to France. It was determined to do so as soon as some 
supplies, which were in the ship, could be unloaded. 

This being done, Pont Grave embarked, together with his 
companions, who had wintered with him at Port Royal, 
excepting Champdore and Foulgere de Vitre. I also stayed 
with De Poutrincourt, in order, with God's help, to complete 
the map of the coasts and countries which I had commenced. 
Every thing being put in order in the settlement, Sieur de 
Poutrincourt ordered provisions to be taken on board for our 
voyage along the coast of Florida. 

On the 29th of August, we set out from Port Royal, as did 
also Pont Grave and Des Antons, who were bound for Cape 
Breton and Canseau, to seize the vessels which were engaging 
in the fur-trade, as I have before stated. After getting out 
to sea, we were obhged to put back on account of bad weather. 
But the large vessel kept on her course, and we soon lost sight 
of her. 

Chapter 13 

Sieur de Poutrincourt sets out from Port Royal to make discover- 
ies. All that was seen, and what took place as far a^ 
Malleharre. 

On the 5th of September, we set out again from Port Royal.^ 
On the 7th, we reached the mouth of the river St. Croix, 
where we found a large number of savages, among others 

^ See Lescarbot, book iv., ch. xiii. This was an old offender, named 
Boyer, who succeeded on this occasion in making his escape. 

^ Lescarbot, who remained in charge at Port Royal, busied himself with 
gardening, and with digging drains. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 89 

Secondon and Messamouet. We came near being lost there 
on a rocky islet, on account of Champdore's usual obstinacy.^ 

The next day we proceeded in a shallop to the Island of 
St. Croix, where Sieur de Monts had wintered, to see if we 
could find any spikes of wheat and other seeds which we had 
planted there. We found some wheat which had fallen on the 
ground, and come up as finely as one could wish ; also a large 
number of garden vegetables, which also had come up fair 
and large. It gave us great satisfaction to see that the soil 
there was good and fertile. 

After visiting the island, we returned to our barque, which 
was one of eighteen tons, on the way catching a large num- 
ber of mackerel, which are abundant there at this season. It 
was decided to continue Jbhe voyage along the coast, which 
was not a very well-considered conclusion, since we lost much 
time in passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de 
Monts as far as the harbor of Mallebarre. It would have been 
much better, in my opinion, to cross from where we were di- 
rectly to Mallebarre, the route being already known, and then 
use our time in exploring as far as the fortieth degree, or still 
farther south, revisiting, upon our homeward voyage, the 
entire coast at pleasure. 

After this decision, we took with us Secondon and Messa- 
mouet, who went as far as Choiiacoet in a shallop, where they 
wished to make an alliance with the people of the country, 
by offering them some presents. 

On the 12th of September, we set out from the river St. 
Croix. 

On the 21st, we arrived at Choiiacoet, where we saw One- 
mechin, chief of the river, and Marchin, who had harvested 
their corn. We saw at the Island of Bacchus ^ some grapes 
which were ripe and very good, and some others not yet ripe, 
as fine as those in France ; and I am sure that, if they were 
cultivated, they would produce good wine. 

^ Lescarbot, book iv., ch xiv., gives numerous piquant details as to 
this voyage. 

* Richmond Island. 



90 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

In this place, Sieur de Poutrincourt secured a prisoner that 
Onemechin had, to whom Messamouet made presents of 
kettles, hatchets, knives, and other things. Onemechin 
reciprocated the same with Indian corn, squashes, and Bra- 
zihan beans ; which was not very satisfactory to Messamouet, 
who went away very ill-disposed towards them for not prop- 
erly recognizing his presents, and with the intention of mak- 
ing war upon them in a short time. For these nations give 
only in exchange for something in return, except to those 
who have done them a special service, as by assisting them in 
their wars. 

Continuing our course, we proceeded to the Island Cape,^ 
where we encountered rather bad weather and fogs, and saw 
little prospect of being able to spend the night under shelter, 
since the locahty was not favorable for this. While we were 
thus in perplexity, it occurred to me that, while coasting along 
with Sieur de Monts, I had noted on my map, at a distance 
of a league from here, a place which seemed suitable for ves- 
sels, but which we did not enter, because, when we passed 
it, the wind was favorable for continuing on our course. 
This place we had already passed, which led me to suggest to 
Sieur de Poutrincourt that we should stand in for a point in 
sight, where the place in question was, which seemed to me 
favorable for passing the night. We proceeded to anchor at 
the mouth, and went in the next day.^ 

Sieur de Poutrincourt landed with eight or ten of our 
company. We saw some very fine grapes just ripe, BraziHan 
peas, pumpkins, squashes, and very good roots,^ which the 
savages cultivate, having a taste similar to that of chards. 
They made us presents of some of these, in exchange for little 
trifles which we gave them. They had already finished their 
harvest. We saw two hundred savages in this very pleasant 
place; and there are here a large number of very fine wal- 
nut-trees,'' cypresses, sassafras, oaks, ashes, and beeches. The 

^ Cape Ann. ^ Gloucester Harbor. 

* The Jerusalem artichoke, indigenous to North America. 

* Probably the hickory and the butter-nut. Champlain often gives to 
these indigenous trees the names of their nearest European relatives. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 91 

chief of this place is named Quiouhamenec, who came to see 
us with a neighbor of his, named Cohotiepech, whom we 
entertained sumptuously. Onemechin, chief of Chotiacoet, 
came also to see us, to whom we gave a coat, which he, 
however, did not keep a long time, but made a present of it 
to another, since he was uneasy in it, and could not adapt 
himself to it. We saw also a savage here, who had so wounded 
himself in the foot, and lost so much blood, that he fell down 
in a swoon. Many others surrounded him, and sang some 
time before touching him. Afterwards, they made some mo- 
tions with their feet and hands, shook his head and breathed 
upon him, when he came to himself. Our surgeon dressed his 
wounds, when he went off in good spirits.^ 

The next day, as we were calking our shallop, Sieur de 
Poutrincourt in the woods noticed a number of savages who 
were going, with the intention of doing us some mischief, 
to a httle stream, where a neck connects with the, main land, 
at which our party were doing their washing. As I was 
walking along this neck, these savages noticed me; and, in 
order to put a good face upon it, since they saw that I had 
discovered them thus seasonably, they began to shout and 
dance, and then came towards me with their bows, arrows, 
quivers, and other arms. And, inasmuch as there was a 
meadow between them and myself, I made a sign to them to 
dance again. This they did in a circle, putting all their 
arms in the middle. But they had hardly commenced, when 
they observed Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight 
musketeers, which frightened them. Yet they did not stop 
until they had finished their dance, when they withdrew in 
all directions, fearing lest some unpleasant turn might be 
served them. We said nothing to them, however, and showed 
them only demonstrations of gladness. Then we returned to 
launch our shallop, and take our departure. They entreated 
us to wait a day, saying that more than two thousand of them 

^ Lescarbot adds that an hour or two later they found that he had tied 
around his head the rag with which the wound had been dressed, and was 
dancing with delight at his new adornment. 



V 



92 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

would come to see us. But, unable to lose any time, we were 
unwilling to stay here longer. I am of opinion that their 
object was to surprise us. Some of the land was already 
cleared up, and they were constantly making clearings. Their 
mode of doing it is as follows: after cutting down the trees 
at the distance of three feet from the ground, they burn the 
branches upon the trunk, and then plant their corn between 
these stumps, in course of time tearing up also the roots. 
There are likewise fine meadows here, capable of supporting 
a large number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, contain- 
ing water enough for vessels, and affording a shelter from the 
weather behind the islands. It is in latitude 43°, and we 
gave it the name of Le Beauport.^ 

The last day of September we set out from Beauport, 
and, passing Cap St. Louis, stood on our course all night for 
Cap Blanc. In the morning, an hour before dayhght, we 
found ourselves to the leeward of Cap Blanc, in Baye Blanche, 
with eight feet of water, and at a distance of a league from the 
shore. Here we anchored, in order not to approach too near 
before dayhght, and to see how the tide was. Meanwhile, 
we sent our shallop to make soundings. Only eight feet of 
water were found, so that it was necessary to determine before 
dayhght what we would do. The water sank as low as five 
feet, and our barque sometimes touched on the sand, yet with- 
out any injury, for the water was calm, and we had not less 
than three feet of water under us. Then the tide began to rise, 
which gave us encouragement. 

When it was day, we saw a very low, sandy shore, off which 
we were, and more to the leeward. A shallop was sent to 
make soundings in the direction of land somewhat high, where 
we thought there would be deep water ; and, in fact, we found 
seven fathoms. Here we anchored, and at once got ready 
the shallop, with nine or ten men to land and examine a place 
where we thought there was a good harbor to shelter ourselves 
in, if the wind should increase. An examination having been 
made, we entered in two, three, and four fathoms of water. 

* Gloucester Harbor. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 93 

When we were inside, we found five and six. There were 
many very good oysters here, which we had not seen before, 
and we named the place Port aux Huistres/ It is in lati- 
tude 42°. Three canoes of savages came out to us. On 
this day, the wind coming round in our favor, we weighed 
anchor to go to Cap Blanc, distant from here five leagues 
north a quarter north-east, and we doubled the cape. 

On the next day, the 2d of October, we arrived off Malle- 
barre, where we stayed some time on account of the bad 
weather. During this time, Sieur de Poutrincourt, with the 
shallop, accompanied by twelve or fifteen men, visited the 
harbor, where some hundred and fifty savages, singing and 
dancing according to their custom, appeared before him. 
After seeing this place, we returned to our vessel, and, the 
wind coming favorable, sailed along the coast towards the 
south. 

Chapter 14 

Continuation of the above discoveries, and what was observed 
of particular importance. 

When we were some six leagues from Mallebarre, we an- 
chored near the coast, the wind not being fair, along which we 
observed columns of smoke made by the savages, which led us 
to determine to go to them, for which purpose the shallop 
was made ready. But when near the coast, which is sandy, 
we could not land, for the swell was too great. Seeing this, 
the savages launched a canoe, and came out to us, eight or 
nine of them, singing and making signs of their joy at seeing 
us, and they indicated to us that lower down there was a 
harbor where we could put our barque in a place of security. 
Unable to land, the shallop came back to the barque ; and the 
savages, whom we had treated civilly, returned to the shore. 

On the next day, the wind being favorable, we continued 

^ Oyster Harbor, now Barnstable Harbor. 



94 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

our course to the north ^ five leagues, and hardly had we 
gone this distance, when we found three and four fathoms of 
water at a distance of a league and a half from the shore. 
On going a Httle farther, the depth suddenly diminished to a 
fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since 
we saw the sea breaking all around, but no passage by which 
we could retrace our course, for the wind was directly contrary. 

Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand- 
banks, we had to go at hap-hazard where there seemed to be 
the most water for our barque, which was at most only four 
feet: we continued among these breakers until we found as 
much as four feet and a haK. Finally, we succeeded, by the 
grace of God, in going over a sandy point running out nearly 
three leagues seaward to the south-south-east, and a very dan- 
gerous place. Doubhng this cape, which we named Cap 
Batturier,^ which is twelve or thirteen leagues from Malle- 
barre, we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, since 
we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and 
shoals, except in some places where the sea was breaking but 
Httle. The shallop was sent to find a channel, in order to go 
to a place, which we concluded to be that which the savages 
had indicated. We also thought there was a river there, 
where we could lie in security. 

When our shallop arrived there, our party landed and 
examined the place, and, returning with a savage whom they 
brought off, they told us that we could enter at full tide, 
which was resolved upon. We immediately weighed anchor, 
and, under the guidance of the savage who piloted us, pro- 
ceeded to anchor at a roadstead before the harbor, in six 
fathoms of water and a good bottom ; for we could not enter, 
as the night overtook us. 

On the next day, men were sent to set stakes at the end of 
a sand-bank at the mouth of the harbor, when, the tide rising, 

* Obviously a mistake. The whole context shows that they were sailing 
south. 

^I.e., Shoal Cape. Apparently the island of Monomoy, though the 
aspect of the coast has greatly changed. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 95 

we entered in two fathoms of water. When we had arrived, 
we praised God for being in a place of safety. Our rudder 
had broken, which we had mended with ropes ; but we were 
afraid that, amid these shallows and strong tides, it would break 
anew, and we should be lost. Within this harbor ^ there is 
only a fathom of water, and two at full tide. On the east, 
there is a bay extending back on the north some three leagues,^ 
in which there is an island and two other little bays which 
adorn the landscape, where there is a considerable quantity 
of land cleared up, and many Httle hills, where they cultivate 
corn and the various grains on which they hve. There are, 
also, very fine vines, many walnut-trees, oaks, cypresses, but 
only a few pines. All the inhabitants of this place are very 
fond of agriculture, and provide themselves with Indian 
corn^ for the winter, which they store in the following 
manner : 

They make trenches in the sand on the slope of the hills, 
some five to six feet deep, more or less. Putting their corn 
and other grains into large grass sacks, they throw them into 
these trenches, and cover them with sand three or four feet 
above the surface of the earth, taking it out as their needs 
require. In this way, it is preserved as well as it would be 
possible to do in our granaries. 

We saw in this place some five to six hundred savages, all 
naked except their sexual parts, which they cover with a 
small piece of doe or seal-skin. The women are also naked, 
and, hke the men, cover theirs with skins or leaves. They 
wear their hair carefully combed and twisted in various ways, 
both men and women, after the manner of the savages of 
Chotiacoet. Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their 
skin ohve-colored. They adorn themselves with feathers, 
beads of shell, and other gewgaws, which they arrange very 
neatly in embroidery work. As weapons, they have bows, 

* They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, Massachusetts. 

^ The narrow bay stretching from Morris Island to the north. 

' Indian corn, indigenous to America, was seen by Columbus in the 
West Indies ; Champlain is the first who has left a record of its cultivation 
in New England. 



96 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

arrows, and clubs. They are not so much great hunters as 
good fishermen and tillers of the land. 

In regard to their pohce, government, and behef, we have 
been unable to form a judgment ; but I suppose that they are 
not different in this respect from our savages, the Souriquois 
and Canadians, who worship neither the moon nor the sun, 
nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts.^ There 
are, however, among them some persons who, as they say, are 
in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. 
They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in so doing 
lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the 
mark very well, and tell them things similar to those which 
actually happen to them. For this reason, they have faith in 
them, as if they were prophets ; while they are only impostors 
who delude them, as the Egj^tians and Bohemians do the 
simple villagers. They have chiefs, whom they obey in 
matters of war, but not otherwise, and who engage in labor 
and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one 
has only so much land as he needs for his support. 

Their dwelhngs are separate from each other, according to 
the land which each one occupies. They are large, of a cir- 
cular shape, and covered with thatch made of grasses or the 
husks of Indian corn. They are furnished only with a bed 
or two, raised a foot from the ground, made of a number of 
little pieces of wood pressed against each other, on which 
they arrange a reed mat, after the Spanish style, which is a 
kind of matting two or three fingers thick: on these they 
sleep. They have a great many fleas in summer, even in 
the fields. One day as we went out walking, we were beset 
by so many of them that we were obhged to change our 
clothes. 

^ This conclusion harmonizes, as Dr. Slafter points out, with the opinion 
of Thomas Morton, who says that the natives of New England are "sine fide, 
sine lege, et sine rege," and that they "have no worship nor religion at all." 
New English Canaan, 1637, Prince Society ed., pp. 140, 141. 

Parkman, Jesuits in North America (Boston, 1897), pp. 60-70, discusses 
the religion of the Algonquins in a more scientific spirit, but comes to much 
the same conclusion so far as worship is concerned. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 97 

All the harbors, bays, and coasts from Choiiacoet are filled 
with every variety of fish, Hke those which we have before 
our habitation, and in such abundance that I can confidently 
assert that there was not a day or night when we did not see 
and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand porpoises, 
which were chasing the smaller fry. There are also many 
shell-fish of various sorts, principally oysters. Game birds are 
very plenty. 

It would be an excellent place to erect buildings and lay 
the foundations of a state, if the harbor were somewhat deeper 
and the entrance safer. Before leaving the harbor, the rudder 
was repaired ; and we had some bread made from flour, which 
we had brought for our subsistence, in case our biscuit should 
give out. Meanwhile, we sent the shallop with five or six men 
and a savage to see whether a passage might be found more 
favorable for our departure than that by which we had en- 
tered. 

After they had gone five or six leagues and were near the 
land, the savage made his escape, since he was afraid of being 
taken to other savages farther south, the enemies of his tribe, 
as he gave those to understand who were in the shallop. 
The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far as they 
had advanced, there were at least three fathoms of water, and 
that farther on there were neither shallows nor reefs. 

We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make 
a supply of bread for fifteen days. Meanwhile, Sieur de 
Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or twelve arquebusiers, 
visited all the neighboring country, which is very fine, as I 
have said before, and where we saw here and there a large 
number of httle houses. 

Some eight or nine days after, while Sieur de Poutrincourt 
was walking out, as he had previously done, we observed the 
savages taking down their cabins and sending their women, 
children, provisions, and other necessaries of Hfe into the 
woods. This made us suspect some evil intention, and that 
they purposed to attack those of our company who were work- 
ing on shore, where they stayed at night in order to guard 



93 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAm [1606 

that which could not be embarked at evening except with 
much trouble. This proved to be true; for they determined 
among themselves, after all their effects had been put in a 
place of security, to come and surprise those on land, taking 
advantage of them as much as possible, and to carry .off all 
they had. But, if by chance they should find them on their 
guard, they resolved to come with signs of friendship, as 
they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows. 

Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had seen, and 
the order which it had been told him they observed when 
they wished to play some bad trick, when we passed by some 
cabins, where there was a large number of women, we gave 
them some bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free 
from fear, and to most of the old and distinguished men 
hatchets, knives, and other things which they desired. This 
pleased them greatly, and they repaid it all in dances, gam- 
bols, and harangues, which we did not understand at all. We 
went wherever we chose without their having the assurance 
to say anything to us. It pleased us greatly to see them 
show themselves so simple in appearance. 

We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by 
some of the savages. On the way, we met several small 
troops of them, who gradually gathered together with their 
arms, and were greatly astonished to see us so far in the in- 
terior, and did not suppose that we had just made a circuit 
of nearly four or five leagues about their territory. Passing 
near us, they trembled with fear, lest harm should be done them, 
as it was in our power to do. But we did them none, although 
we knew their evil intentions. Having arrived where our men 
were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if everything 
was in readiness to resist the designs of this rabble. 

He ordered everything on shore to be embarked. This 
was done, except that he who was making the bread stayed 
to finish a baking, and two others with him. They were 
told that the savages had some evil intent, and that they 
should make haste to embark the coming evening, since 
they carried their plans into execution only at night, or at 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 99 

daybreak, which in their plots is generally the hour for making 
a surprise. 

Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders 
that the shallop should be sent ashore to get the men who 
remained. This was done as soon as the tide would permit, 
and those on shore were told that they must embark for the 
reason assigned. This they refused in spite of the remon- 
strances that were made setting forth the risks they ran and 
the disobedience to their chief. They paid no attention to 
it, with the exception of a servant of Sieur de Poutrincourt, 
who embarked. Two others disembarked from the shallop 
and went to the three on shore, who had stayed to eat some 
cakes made at the same time with the bread. 

But, as they were unwilHng to do as they were told, the 
shallop returned to the vessel. It was not mentioned to 
Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had retired, thinking that all were 
on board. 

The next day, in the morning, the 15th of October, the 
savages did not fail to come and see in what condition our 
men were, whom they found asleep, except one, who was 
near the fire. When they saw them in this condition, they 
came, to the mmaber of four hundred, softly over a httle hill, 
and sent them such a volley of arrows that to rise up was 
death. Fleeing the best they could towards our barque, 
shouting, ''Help ! they are killing us !" a part fell dead in the 
water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and one died 
in consequence a short time after. The savages made a des- 
perate noise with roarings, which it was terrible to hear.^ 

Upon the occurrence of this noise and that of our men, the 
sentinel, on our vessel, exclaimed, ''To arms! They are kill- 
ing our men!" Consequently, each one immediately seized 

^ In the original Champlain has drawn a wonderful picture of this affray. 
Lescarbot, book iv., ch. xvi., gives a much fuller account. Of the five culprits 
four were killed or died of their wounds (see p. 110) ; the fifth, who was 
wounded, but recovered, was Du Val (see p. 132), who was afterwards exe- 
cuted at Quebec for conspiracy against Champlain. Lescarbot mentions a 
report that two of the five had previously angered the Indians by firing upon 
them. 

UOfC. 



100 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

his arms; and we embarked in the shallop, some fifteen or 
sixteen of us, in order to go ashore. But, being unable to 
get there on account of a sand-bank between us and the land, 
we threw ourselves into the water, and waded from this bank 
to the shore, the distance of a musket-shot. As soon as we 
were there, the savages, seeing us within arrow range, fled 
into the interior. To pursue them was fruitless, for they are 
marvellously swift. All that we could do was to carry away 
the dead bodies and bury them near a cross, which had been 
set up the day before, and then to go here and there to see 
if we could get sight of any of them. But it was time wasted, 
therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they re- 
turned to us on the sea-shore. We discharged at them several 
shots from our little brass cannon; and, when they heard 
the noise, they crouched down on the ground to avoid the 
fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the cross and disin- 
terred the dead, which displeased us greatly, and caused us to 
go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done 
before. We set up again the cross, and reinterred the dead, 
whom they had thrown here and there amid the heath, where 
they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned without any 
result, as we had done before, well aware that there was scarcely 
hope of avenging ourselves this time, and that we should have 
to renew the undertaking when it should please God. 

On the 16th of the month, we set out from Port Fortune, 
to which we had given this name on account of the misfor- 
tune which happened to us there. This place is in latitude 
41° 20', and some twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre. 

Chapter 15 

The inclemency of the weather not permitting us at that time 
to continue our discoveries, we resolved to return to our 
settlement. What happened to us until we reached it. 

After having gone some six or seven leagues, we sighted 
an island, which we named La Soupgonneuse,^ because in the 
^ I.e., the Doubtful ; now Martha's Vineyard. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OE 1604-1607 101 

distance we had several times thought it was not an island. 
Then the wind became contrary, which caused us to put back 
to the place whence we had set out, where we stayed two or 
three days, no savage during this time presenting himself to us. 

On the 20th, we set out anew and coasted along to the 
south-west nearly twelve leagues,^ where we passed near a 
river which is small and difficult of access in consequence of 
the shoals and rocks at its mouth, and which I called after 
my own name.^ This coast is, so far as we saw, low and 
sandy. The wind again grew contrary and very strong, which 
caused us to put out to sea, as we were unable to advance on 
one tack or the other ; it, however, finally abated a little and 
grew favorable. But all we could do was to return again to 
Port Fortune, where the coast, though low, is fine and good, 
yet difficult of access, there being no harbors, many reefs, 
and shallow water for the distance of nearly two leagues 
from land. The most that we found was seven or eight 
fathoms in some channels, which, however, continued only 
a cable's length, when there were suddenly only two or three 
fathoms; but one should not trust the water who has not 
well examined the depth with the lead in hand. 

Some hours after we had returned to port, a son of Pont 
Grave, named Robert, lost a hand in firing a musket, which 
burst in several pieces, but without injuring any one near 
him. 

Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being un- 
able to put to sea, we resolved meanwhile to get possession of 
some savages of this place, and, taking them to our settlement, 
put them to grinding corn at the hand-mill, as punishment 
for the deadly assault which they had committed on five or 
six of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when 

^ Nearly twelve leagues in a southwesterly direction from their anchor- 
age at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to the entrance of Vine- 
yard Sound. This was the limit of Champlain's explorations towards the 
south. 

^ This river appears on Champlain's map, but cannot with security 
be identified. Very likely it is the tidal passage between Wood's Hole and 
Nonamesset. 



102 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

we were armed, since, if we went to them prepared to fight, 
they would turn and flee into the woods, where they were not 
to be caught. It was necessary, accordingly, to have recourse 
to artifice, and this is what we planned: when they should 
come to seek friendship with us, to coax them by showing 
them beads and other gewgaws,^ and assure them repeatedly 
of our good faith; then to take the shallop well armed, and 
conduct on shore the most robust and strong men we had, 
each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of match on 
his arm; and there, while pretending to smoke with them 
(each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to 
excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end 
of a cord in order to fight the tobacco), coax them with pleas- 
ing words so as to draw them into the shallop ; and, if they 
should be unwilhng to enter, each one approaching should 
choose his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, should 
at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by force. 
But, if they should be too boisterous, and it should not be 
possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being 
firmly held; and, if by chance any of them should get away, 
there should be men on land to charge upon them with swords. 
Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept 
ready to fire upon their companions in case they should come to 
assist them, under cover of which firearms the shallop could 
withdraw in security. The plan above-mentioned was well 
carried out as it had been arranged. 

Some days after these events had occurred, there came 
savages by threes and fours to the shore, making signs to us 
to go to them. But we saw their main body in ambuscade 
under a hillock behind some bushes, and I suppose that they 
were only desirous of beguiling us into the shallop in order to 
discharge a shower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight. 
Nevertheless, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hesitate to go to 
them with ten of us, well equipped and determined to fight 
them, if occasion offered. We landed at a place beyond 
their ambuscade, as we thought, and where they could not 

* Patinostres. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 103 

surprise us. There three or four of us went ashore together 
with Sieur de Poutrincourt : the others did not leave the 
shallop, in order to protect it and be ready for an emergency. 
We ascended a knoll and went about the woods to see if we could 
not discover more plainly the ambuscade. When they saw us 
going so unconcernedly to them, they left and went to other 
places, which we could not see, and of the four savages we saw 
only two, who went away very slowly. As they withdrew, 
they made signs to us to take our shallop to another place, 
thinking that it was not favorable for the carrying out of their 
plan. And, when we also saw that they had no desire to come 
to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated, 
which was the second ambuscade they had made, in their en- 
deavor to draw us unarmed to themselves by signs of friendship. 
But this we were not permitted to do at that time, yet we ap- 
proached very near them without seeing this ambuscade, which 
we supposed was not far off. As our shallop approached the 
shore, they took to flight, as also those in ambush, after whom 
we fired some musket-shots, since we saw that their intention 
was only to deceive us by flattery, in which they were disap- 
pointed; for we recognized clearly what their purpose was, 
which had only mischief in view. We retired to our barque 
after having done all we could.^ 

On the same day, Sieur de Poutrincourt resolved to return 
to our settlement on account of four or five sick and wounded 
men, whose wounds were growing worse through lack of 
salves, of which our surgeon, by a great mistake on his part, 
had brought but a small provision, to the detriment of the 
sick and our own discomfort, as the stench from their wounds 
was so great, in a Mttle vessel Uke our own, that one could 

^ See p. 105. This same tribe of Nausets "sent a shower of arrows upon 
the Pilgrims in 1620, at a place called by them the ' First Encounter,' and not 
more than three miles from the spot where the same tribe, in 1605, had at- 
tacked the French, and slain one of de Monts's men." (Slafter.) See Brad- 
ford's History of Plimoth Plantation, ch. x. For an account of the massacre 
of the Indians, which Champlain here passes over, though he refers to it on 
p. 106, see Lescarbot, book iv., ch. xvi. It is a blot on Champlain 's record, 
but the provocation had been great, and the chief responsibility rests with the 
leader of the expedition, the hot-tempered Poutrincourt. 



104 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

scarcely endure it. Moreover, we were afraid that they would 
generate disease. Also we had provisions only for going 
eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be 
practised ; and we knew not whether the return would last as 
long as the advance, which was nearly two months. 

At any rate, our resolution being formed, we withdrew, but 
with the satisfaction that God had not left unpunished the 
misdeeds of these barbarians. We advanced no farther than 
to latitude 41° 30', which was only half a degree farther than 
Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage of discovery. We 
set out accordingly from this harbor. 

On the next day we anchored near Mallebarre, where we 
remained until the 28th of the month, when we set sail. On 
that day the air was very cold, and there was a httle snow. 
We took a direct course for Norumbegue or Isle Haute. Head- 
ing east-north-east, we were two days at sea without seeing 
land, being kept back by bad weather. On the following 
night, we sighted the islands, which are between Quinibequy 
and Norumbegue. The wind was so strong that we were 
obhged to put to sea until daybreak ; but we went so far from 
land, although we used very httle sail, that we could not see 
it again until the next day, when we saw Isle Haute, of which 
we were abreast. 

On the last day of October, between the Island of Monts 
Deserts and Cap Corneille, our rudder broke in several pieces, 
without our knowing the reason. Each one expressed his 
opinion about it. On the following night, with a fresh breeze, 
we came among a large number of islands and rocks, whither 
the wind drove us ; and we resolved to take refuge, if possible, 
on the first land we should find. 

We were for some time at the mercy of the wind and sea, 
with only the foresail set. But the worst of it was that the 
night was dark, and we did not know where we were going; 
for our barque could not be steered at all, although we did 
all that was possible, holding in our hands the sheets of the 
foresail, which sometimes enabled us to steer it a httle. We 
kept continually sounding, to see if it were possible to find 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 105 

a bottom for anchoring, and to prepare ourselves for what 
might happen. But we found none. Finally, as we were 
going faster than we wished, it was recommended to put an 
oar astern together with some men, so as to steer to an island 
which we saw, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind. 
Two other oars also were put over the sides in the after part 
of the barque, to assist those who were steering, in order to 
make the vessel bear up on one tack and the other. This 
device served us so well, that we headed where we wished, 
and ran in behind the point of the island we had seen, anchor- 
ing in twenty-one fathoms of water imtil daybreak, when we 
proposed to reconnoitre our position and seek for a place to 
make another rudder. The wind abated. At daybreak, we 
found ourselves near the Isles Rangees, entirely surrounded 
by breakers, and we praised God for having preserved us so 
wonderfully amid so many perils. 

On the 1st of November, we went to a place which we 
deemed favorable for beaching our vessel and repairing our 
helm. On this day, I landed, and saw some ice two inches 
thick, it having frozen perhaps eight or ten days before. I 
observed also that the temperature of the place differed very 
much from that of Mallebarre and Port Fortune, for the 
leaves of the trees were not yet dead and had not begun to 
fall when we set out, while here they had all fallen, and it 
was much colder than at Port Fortune. 

On the next day, as we were beaching our barque, a canoe 
came containing Etechemin savages, who told the savage 
Secondon in our barque that louaniscou, with his companions, 
had killed some other savages, and carried off some women 
as prisoners, whom they had executed near the Island of Monts 
Deserts. 

On the 9th of the month, we set out from near Cap Cor- 
neille, and anchored the same day in the Httle passage of Sainte 
Croix River.^ 

On the morning of the next day, we landed our savage with 
some supphes which we gave him. He was well pleased and 
* The southern strait leading into Eastport Harbor. (Slafter.) 



106 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

satisfied at having made this voyage with us, and took away 
with him some heads of the savages that had been killed at 
Port Fortune. The same day we anchored in a very pretty 
cove on the south of the Island of Manan. 

On the 12th of the month, we made sail ; and, when under 
way, the shallop, which we were towing astern, struck against 
our barque so violently and roughly that it made an opening 
and stove in her upper works, and again in the recoil broke 
the iron fastenings of our rudder. At first, we thought that 
the first blow had stove in some planks in the lower part, 
which would have sunk us ; for the wind was so high that all 
we could do was to carry our foresail. But finding that the 
damage was shght, and that there was no danger, we managed 
with ropes to repair the rudder as well as we could, so as to serve 
us to the end of our voyage. This was not until the 14th of 
November, when, at the entrance to Port Royal, we came near 
being lost on a point; but God delivered us from this danger 
as well as from many others to which we had been exposed. 



Chapter 16 

Return from the foregoing discoveries, and what transpired during 

the winter. 

Upon our arrival,^ Lescarbot, who had remained at the 
settlement, assisted by the others who had stayed there, wel- 
comed us with a humorous entertainment. 

^ This is Champlain's first reference to Lescarbot, who had come out 
with his friend Poutrincourt in 1606. Marc Lescarbot was a Paris lawyer, 
born at Vervins about 1580. In 1609, after his return to France, he pub- 
lished a Histoire de la Nouvelle France, part of which refers to his own ex- 
periences, and has been already referred to in these notes. New and revised 
editions were issued in 1612 and 1618. The edition of 1612 was republished 
in 1866 by Tross of Paris, and the edition of 1618 is now (1907) being repub- 
lished by the Cham plain Society of Toronto. The lively and somewhat 
heterodox lawyer, who was afterwards imprisoned for publishing a satire 
against the Jesuits, did not get on well with the sober-sided Champlain, and 
some references in this volume are bitterly commented on by Lescarbot 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 107 

Having landed and had time to take breath, each one began 
to make little gardens, I among the rest attending to mine, in 
order in the spring to sow several kinds of seeds which had been 
brought from France, and which grew very well in all the gar- 
dens. 

Sieur de Poutrincourt, moreover, had a water-mill built 
nearly a league and a half from our settlement, near the point 
where grain had been planted. This mill was built at a fall, 
on a little river ^ which is not navigable on account of the 
large number of rocks in it, and which falls into a small lake. 
In this place, there is such an abundance of herring in their 
season that shallops could be loaded with them if one were 
to take the trouble to bring the requisite apparatus. The 
savages also of this region come here sometimes to fish. A 
quantity of charcoal was made by us for our forge. During 
the winter, in order not to remain idle, I undertook the build- 
ing of a road along the wood to a Uttle river or brook, which 
we named La Truitiere,^ there being many trout there. I 
asked Sieur de Poutrincourt for two or three men, which he 
gave me to assist in making this passageway. I got along so 
well that in a httle while I had the road through. It extends 
through to the trout-brook, and measures nearly two thousand 
paces. It served us as a walk under the shelter of the trees, 
which I had left on both sides. This led Sieur de Poutrincourt 
to determine to make another through the woods, in order 
that we might go straight to the mouth of Port Royal, it being 
a distance of nearly three leagues and a half by land from our 
settlement. He had this commenced and continued for about 
half a league from La Truitiere ; but he did not finish it, as the 
undertaking was too laborious, and he was occupied by other 
things at the time more necessary. Some time after our arrival, 
we saw a shallop containing savages, who told us that a sav- 
in his edition of 1618. He was also a poet, and published Les Muses de 
la Nouvelle France (1611, 1618). In this are given the words of the play en- 
titled Le Theatre de Neptune, which he had composed for this occasion. On 
Lescarbot see Mr. H. P. Biggar's article, "The French Hakluyt; Marc 
Lescarbot of Vervins," in the American Historical Review, VI. 671-692. 

^ Now Allen River. ' I.e., Trout Brook. 



108 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

age/ who was one of our friends, had been killed by those be- 
longing to the place whence they came, which was Norumbegue, 
in revenge for the kilhng of the men of Norumbegue and Quini- 
bequy by louaniscou, also a savage, and his followers, as I have 
before related; and that some Etechemins had informed the 
savage Secondon, who was with us at that time. 

The commander of the shallop was the savage named 
Ouagimou, who was on terms of friendship with Bessabez, 
chief of the river Norumbegue, of whom he asked the body 
of Panounias, who had been killed. The latter granted it 
to him, begging him to tell his friends that he was very sorry 
for his death, and assuring him that it was without his knowl- 
edge that he had been killed, and that, inasmuch as it was 
not his fault, he begged him to tell them that he desired they 
might continue to Uve as friends. This Ouagimou promised 
to do upon his return. He said to us that he was very un- 
easy until he got away from them, whatever friendship they 
might show him, since they were hable to change; and he 
feared that they would treat him in the same manner as they 
had the one who had been killed. Accordingly, he did not 
tarry long after being dismissed. He took the body in his 
shallop from Norumbegue to our settlement, a distance of 
fifty leagues. 

As soon as the body was brought on shore, his relatives 
and friends began to shout by his side, having painted their 
entire face with black, which is their mode of mourning. 
After lamenting much, they took a quantity of tobacco and 
two or three dogs and other things belonging to the deceased, 
and burned them some thousand paces from our settlement 
on the sea-shore. Their cries continued until they returned 
to their cabin. 

The next day they took the body of the deceased and 
wrapped it in a red covering, which Mabretou, chief of this 
place, urgently implored me to give him, since it was handsome 
and large. He gave it to the relatives of the deceased, who 

^This Indian Panounias and his wife had accompanied de Monts on 
his expedition of 1605. See p. 56. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 109 

thanked me very much for it. After thus wrapping up the 
body, they decorated it with several kinds of matachiats; 
that is, strings of beads and bracelets of diverse colors. They 
painted the face, and put on the head many feathers and other 
things, the finest they had. Then they placed the body on its 
knees between two sticks, with another imder the arms to 
sustain it. Around the body were the mother, wife, and others 
of the relatives and friends of the deceased, both women and 
girls, howhng hke dogs. 

While the women and girls were shrieking, the savage 
named Mabretou made an address to his companions on the 
death of the deceased, urging all to take vengeance for the 
wickedness and treachery committed by the subjects of Bessa- 
bez, and to make war upon them as speedily as possible. 
All agreed to do so in the spring. 

After the harangue was finished and the cries had ceased, 
they carried the body of the deceased to another cabin. After 
smoking tobacco together, they wrapped it in an elk-skin hke- 
wise; .and, binding it very securely, they kept it until there 
should be a larger number of savages present, from each one 
of whom the brother of the deceased expected to receive pres- 
ents, it being their custom to give them to those who have lost 
fathers, wives, brothers, or sisters. 

On the night of the 26th of December, there was a south- 
east wind, which blew down several trees. On the last day 
of December, it began to snow, which continued until the 
morning of the next day. On the 16th of January following, 
1607, Sieur de Poutrincourt, desiring to ascend the river 
Equille, found it at a distance of some two leagues from our 
settlement sealed with ice, which caused him to return, not 
being able to advance any farther. On the 8th of February, 
some pieces of ice began to flow down from the upper part of 
the river into the harbor, which only freezes along the shore. 
On the 10th of May following, it snowed all night ; and, tow- 
ards the end of the month, there were heavy hoar-frosts, 
which lasted imtil the 10th or 12th of June, when all the trees 
were covered with leaves, except the oaks, which do not leaf 



110 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

// 

out until about the 15th. The winter was not so severe as on 
I , J- thfe preceding years, nor did the snow continue so long on the 
^*- ground. It rained very often, so that the savages suffered 
' , > a severe famine, owing to the small quantity of snow. Sieur 
^^ [ de PoUtrincourt supported a part of them who were with us; 
^ - ' namely, Mabretou, his wife and children, and some others. 
"^ - We spent this -winter very pleasantly, and fared generously 
\ ^ by means of the Ordre de Bon Temps,^ which I introduced. 
This all found useful for their health, and more advantageous 
than all the medicines that could have been used. By the 
rules of the order, a chain was put, with some Httle ceremo- 
nies, on the neck of one of our company, commissioning him 
for the day to go a hunting. The next day it was conferred 
upon another, and thus in succession. All exerted themselves 
to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home 
the finest game. We found this a very good arrangement, as 
did also the savages who were with us. 

There were some cases of mal de la terre among us, which 
was, however, not so violent as in the previous years. -Never- 
theless, seven died from it, and another from an arrow 
wound, which he had received from the savages at Port 
Fortune. 

Our surgeon, named Master Estienne, opened some of the 
bodies, as we did the previous years, and found ahnost all the 
interior parts affected. Eight or ten of the sick got well by 
spring. 

At the beginning of March and of April, all began to pre- 
pare gardens, so as to plant seeds in May, which is the proper 
time for it. They grew as well as in France, but were some- 
what later. I think France is at least a month and a half 
more forward. As I have stated, the time to plant is in May, 
although one can sometimes do so in April; yet the seeds 
planted then do not come forward any faster than those 
planted in May, when the cold can no longer damage the plants 
except those which are very tender, since there are many which 

^ Lescarbot (book iv., ch. xvi.) gives a much more detailed and pictu- 
resque account of this order, and of their life through the winter. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 111 

cannot endure the hoar-frosts, unless great care and attention 
be exercised. 

On the 24th of May, we perceived a small barque ^ of six 
or seven tons' burthen, which we sent men to reconnoitre ; and 
it was found to be a young man from S(t. Malo, named Cheva- 
her, who brought letters from Sieur de Monts to Sieur de 
Poutrincourt, by which he directed him to bring back his 
company to France.^ He also announced to us the birth of 
Monseigneur, the Duke of Orleans,^ to our delight, in honour 
of which event we made bonfires and chanted the Te Deum. 

Between the beginning and the 20th of June, some thirty 
or forty * savages assembled in this place in order to make 
war upon the Almouchiquois, and revenge the death of Pa- 
nounias, who was interred by the savages according to their 
custom, who gave afterwards a quantity of peltry to a brother 
of his. The presents being made, all of them set out from this 

^ The harque, in Champlain's use, was commonly rigged with two masts, 
and was of from about six to eighteen tons burden. 

^ Lescarbot (book iv., ch. xvii.) adds his usual abundance of picturesque 
detail. The first to sight the barque was the centenarian Membertou (Ma- 
bretou) . Chevalier had come out in the Jonas, the same ship which had brought 
out Lescarbot and Poutrincourt in the year before. It had now stopped at 
Canso to fish for cod. It brought letters telling that the company of de 
Monts had been broken up ; that the Dutch, led by a French traitor named 
La Jeunesse, had looted the fur-trading establishments on the St. Lawrence, 
and that de Monts' monopoly had been rescinded by the king's council. 
On this aspect of the story, see Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New 
France, p. 63. The fur-trade remained open till 1613. 

What touched Lescarbot even more deeply was that Chevalier, on the 
plea that they were supposed to have perished during the winter, had eaten 
all the sweetmeats and other dainties sent out by their friends. To this 
loss he frequently recurs. 

The sturdy though passionate de Poutrincourt, "after he had a long 
while mused thereon, said that, although he should have none to come with 
him but his own family, he would not forsake the enterprize." (Lescarbot, 

IV., XVII.) 

^ The second son of Henry IV. and Marie de M^dicis, born April 16, 
1607, died November 17, 1611, without having been given a Christian 
name. He must not be confused with his more celebrated brother Gaston 
(1608-1660), who did not become Duke of Orleans till his marriage in 
1626. 

* Lescarbot (iv., xvii.) says about 400, which is more likely. 



112 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

place on the 29th of June for Choiiacoet, which is the country 
of the Ahnouchiquois, to engage in the war. 

Some days after the arrival of the above Chevaher, Sieur 
de Poutrincourt sent him to the rivers St. John and St. Croix 
to trade for furs. But he did not permit him to go without 
men to bring back the barque, since some had reported that he 
desired to return to France with the vessel in which he had 
come, and leave us in our settlement. Lescarbot was one of 
those who accompanied him, who up to this time had not left 
Port Royal. This is the farthest he went, only fourteen 
or fifteen leagues beyond Port Royal.^ 

While awaiting the return of Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrin- 
court went to the head of Baye FranQoise in a shallop with 
seven or eight men. Leaving the harbor and heading north- 
east a quarter east for some twenty-five leagues along the 
coast, we arrived at a cape where Sieur de Poutrincourt de- 
sired to ascend a cliff more than thirty fathoms high, in doing 
which he came near losing his hfe. For, having reached the 
top of the rock, which is very narrow, and which he had as- 
cended with much difficulty, the summit trembled beneath 
him. The reason was that, in course of time, moss had gath- 
ered there four or five feet in thickness, and, not being sofid, 
trembled when one was on top of it, and very often when one 
stepped on a stone three or four others fell down. Accord- 
ingly, having gone up with difficulty, he experienced still 
greater in coming down, although some sailors, men very 
dexterous in chmbing, carried him a hawser, a rope of me- 
dium size, by means of which he descended. This place was 
named Cap de Poutrincourt,^ and is in latitude 45° 40'. 

We went as far as the head of this bay, but saw nothing 
but certain white stones suitable for making hme, yet they are 
found only in small quantities. We saw also on some islands a 
great number of gulls. We captured as many of them as we 
wished. We made the tour of the bay, in order to go to the 

* Lescarbot complains of this statement, in his edition of 1618. Cham- 
plain is a little unfair both to Cartier (see p. 22, note 3) and to Lescarbot. 
*Now Cape Split. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 113 

Port aux Mines, where I had previously been, and whither 
I conducted Sieur de Poutrincourt, who collected some little 
pieces of copper with great difficulty. All this bay has a cir- 
cuit of perhaps twenty leagues, with a httle river ^ at its head, 
which is very sluggish and contains but little water. There 
are many other Httle brooks, and some places where there are 
good harbors at high tide, which rises here five fathoms. 
In one of these harbors three or four leagues north of Cap 
de Poutrincourt, we found a very old cross all covered with 
moss and almost all rotten, a plain indication that before this 
there had been Christians there. All of this country is cov- 
ered with dense forests, and with some exceptions is not very 
attractive. 

From the Port aux Mines we returned to our settlement. 
In this bay there are strong tidal currents running in a south- 
westerly direction. 

On the 12th of July, Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, 
arrived with three others in a shallop from a place called 
Niganis,^ distant from Port Royal some hundred and sixty 
or hundred and seventy leagues, confirming the report which 
ChevaHer had brought to Sieur de Poutrincourt. 

On the 3d ^ of July, three barques were fitted out to send 
the men and supphes, which were at our settlement, to Can- 
seau, distant one hundred and fifteen leagues from our settle- 
ment, and in latitude 45° 20', where the vessel* was engaged 
in fishing, which was to carry us back to France. 

Sieur de Poutrincourt sent back all his companions, but 
remained with eight others at the settlement, so as to carry 
to France some grain not yet quite ripe. 

On the 10th of August, Mabretou arrived from the war, 
who told us that he had been at Choiiacoet, and had killed 
twenty savages and wounded ten or twelve ; also that Oneme- 
chin, chief of that place, Marchin, and one other, had been 

* The Shubenacadie. 

^ Niganish, in the island of Cape Breton. 

* Probably a misprint for 30th, the date given by Lescarbot. 

* The Jonas. Nearly three months before Port Royal was abandoned, 
Jamestown had been founded. 



114 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

killed by Sasinou, chief of the river of Quinibequy, who was 
afterwards killed by the companions of Onemechin and Mar- 
chin. All this war was simply on account of the savage 
Panounias, one of our friends who, as I have said above, had 
been killed at Norumbegue by the followers of Onemechin 
and Marchin. At present, the chiefs in place of Onemechin, 
Marchin, and Sasinou are their sons : namely, for Sasinou, 
Pememen; Abriou for his father, Marchin; and for Oneme- 
chin, Queconsicq. The two latter were wounded by the 
followers of Mabretou, who seized them under pretence of 
friendship, as is their fashion, something which both sides have 
to guard against.^ 

Chapter 17 

The settlement abandoned. Return to France of Sieur de Pou- 
trincourt and all his company. 

On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a 
shallop, and coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had 
previously been. 

Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la 
Heve, where we first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of 
May, 1604, we examined the coast from this place as far as 
Canseau, a distance of nearly sixty leagues. This I had not yet 
done, and I observed it very carefully, making a map of it as 
of the other coasts. 

Departing from Cap de la Heve, we went as far as Sesam- 
bre,^ an island so called by some people from St. Malo, and 
distant fifteen leagues from La Heve. Along the route are 
a large number of islands, which we named Les Martyres, 
since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages. 
These islands he in several inlets and bays. In one of them is 

^ Lescarbot tells us that Champdor^, sent by Poutrincourt, subsequently 
reconciled the belligerents. 
^ Now Sambro. 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 116 

a river named St. Marguerite/ distant seven leagues from 
Sesambre, which is in latitude 44° 25'. The islands and coasts 
are thickly covered with pines, firs, birches, and other trees 
of inferior quaUty. Fish and also fowl are abundant. 

After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unob- 
structed, of seven or eight leagues in extent, with no islands 
except at the extremity, where is the mouth of a small river, 
containing but httle water. ^ Then, heading north-east a 
quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight leagues from 
Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or 
a hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island 
from which one can walk to the main land at low tide. We 
named this place Port Saincte Helaine,^ which is in latitude 
44° 40' more or less. 

From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye 
de Toutes Isles,* of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, 
a dangerous place on account of the presence of banks, shoals, 
and reefs. The country presents a very unfavorable ap- 
pearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I have 
mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather. 

Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called 
Riviere de I'Isle Verte,^ there being a green island at its en- 
trance. This short distance which we traversed is filled with 
numerous rocks exteading nearly a league out to sea, where the 
breakers are high, the latitude being 45° 15'. 

Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with 
two or three islands, and a very good harbor,** distant three 
leagues from I'Isle Verte. We passed also by several islands 
near and in a fine with each other, which we named Isles 
Rang^es, and which are distant six or seven leagues from 

^ The bay is still called St. Margaret. 

^ Halifax Harbor, formerly Chebucto Bay. On his map Champlain calls 
it Baye Saine. 

* Perpisawick Inlet. (Slafter.) Jeddore. (Laverdiere.) 

* Really an archipelago, extending along the coast. 

''I.e., Green Island River, now River St. Mary, so called by Nicolas 
Denys, in his Description de I'Amerique Septentrionale (1672). The island 
is now called Wedge Island. 

' Now Country Harbor. 



116 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

risle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay/ con- 
taining several islands, and proceeded to a place where we 
found a vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which 
are a short distance from the main land, and distant four 
leagues from the Rangees. This place we named Port de 
Savalette,^ the name of the master of the vessel engaged in 
fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully, and was 
very glad to see us, since there were savages there who pur- 
posed some harm to him, which we prevented. 

Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month 
at Canseau, distant six leagues from Port de Savalette, having 
passed on our way a large number of islands. At Canseau, 
we found that the three barques had arrived at port in safety. 
Champdore and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also 
found the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and 
awaiting only fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had 
much enjo5niient among these islands, where we found the 
greatest possible quantity of raspberries. 

All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to 
this place is moderately high and rocky, in most places bor- 
dered by numerous islands and breakers, which extend out 
to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are very unfavorable 
for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good 
harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they 
were explored. As to the country, it is worse and less promis- 
ing than in other places which we had seen, except on some 
rivers or brooks, where it is very pleasant; but there is no 
doubt that the winter in these regions is cold, lasting from six 
to seven months. 

The harbor of Canseau is a place surrounded by islands, 
to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, 
on account of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both 
green and dry, is carried on here. 

^ Tor Bay. 

^ White Haven, The name was really given by Lescarbot, who has left 
a most interesting account of the old Basque fisherman, who had made forty- 
two voyages to these waters. (Lescarbot, iv., xix.) 



1606] THE VOYAGES OF 1604-1607 117 

From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in 
latitude 45° 45' and 14° 50' of the deflection of the magnetic 
needle, it is eight leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. 
Between the two there is a large bay,^ extending some nine 
or ten leagues into the interior and making a passage between 
the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to the 
great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspe and 
Isle Percee, where fishing is carried on. This passage along 
the Island of Cape Breton is very narrow. Although there 
is water enough, large vessels do not pass there at all on 
account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the tides 
which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant and it is 
in latitude 45° 45'. 

The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a 
circuit of about eighty leagues. Most of the country is moun- 
tainous, yet in some parts very pleasant. In the centre of it 
there is a kind of lake, where the sea enters by the north a 
quarter north-west, and also by the south a quarter south-east.^ 
Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and shell- 
fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are 
not of very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors 
where fishing is carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois,^ 
distant from Cape Breton^ some two or three leagues, and 
Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a quarter north- 
west. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this 
island, and spent a winter here ; ^ but the inclemency of the 
season and the cold caused them to abandon their settlement. 

On the 3d of September, we set out from Canseau. On 
the 4th, we were off Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached 

^ Chedabucto Bay, and the Strait (or Gut) of Canso. 

^ There are really two passages on the north-east (not west), known as 
the Great and the Little Bras d'Or, and none on the south, though a ship 
canal has now been cut, joining the Bras d'Or lakes with St. Peter's Bay. 
Champlain's map is more correct than his description. 

^ I.e., English Harbor, now Louisburg. 

* Distinguish Cape Breton (headland) from Cape Breton (island). 

* Mr. Bourne conjectures that this may have been at the time of the 
exploration of Fagundes, 1521. See Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 
pp. 182 et seqq. 



118 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1606 

the Grand Bank, where the catching of green fish is carried 
on, in latitude 45° 30'. On the 26th, we entered the sound 
near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fath- 
oms of water and in latitude 49° 30'. On the 28th, we put 
in at Roscou,^ in lower Brittany, where we were detained by 
bad weather until the last day of September, when, the wind 
coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to pursue our 
route to St. Malo, which formed the termination of these 
voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or 
danger.^ 

* Now Roscoff . 

* Poutrincourt and Lescarbot went on to Honfleur. Thence Poutrin- 
court proceeded to Paris, and by judicious presents of the products of the 
country persuaded Henry IV. to renew de Monts' monopoly for a year. 
(Lescarbot, iv., xvii.) 



THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER 
ST. LAWRENCE FROM THE YEAR 1608 
TO THAT OF 1612 



BOOK II 

THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER 
ST. LAWRENCE FROM THE YEAR 1608 
TO THAT OF 1612^ 

Chapter 1 

Determination of Sieur de Monts to make explorations in the 
interior; his commission, and its infringement hy the 
Basques, who disarmed the vessel of Pont Grave; and 
the agreement between them which they subsequently 
made. 

Having returned to France after a stay of three years in 
New France, I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to him 
the principal events of which I had been a witness since his 
departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most re- 
markable coasts and harbors there. 

Some time afterward, Sieur de Monts determined to con- 
tinue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the 
interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had 
been by order of the late King Henry the Great ^ in the 
year 1603, for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, 
commencing in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gaspe, at the 
entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in lati- 
tude 45° and some minutes, where our exploration ended and 
where boats could not pass as we then thought, since we 

^ Book II. runs to 1612 if one includes in it not only these ensuing 
eleven chapters, but also the so-called "Second Voyage." 
' Henry IV. died on May 14, 1610. 

121 



122 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

had not made a careful examination of it as we have since 
done. 

Now after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several 
times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, 
he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an under- 
taking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. 
He honored me with his heutenancy for the voyage; and, in 
order to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, 
one commanded by Pont Grav^, who was commissioned to 
trade with the savages of the country and bring back the 
vessels, while I was to winter in the country. 

Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses 
of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one 
year, by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry 
with the savages, on penalties stated in the following com- 
mission : — 

Henry by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, 
to our beloved and faithful councillors, the officers of our Admiralty 
in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, prevosts, 
judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, according to 
his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurisdictions, 
and precincts, greeting : 

Acting upon the information which has been given us by those 
who have returned from New France, respecting the good quality 
and fertility of the lands of that country, and the disposition of the 
people to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to con- 
tinue the settlement previously undertaken there, in order that our 
subjects may go there to trade without hinderance. And in view 
of the proposition to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary 
of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to 
make a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and sup- 
plies for sustaining the expense of it, it has pleased us to promise 
and assure him that none of our subjects but himself shall be per- 
mitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, for the period of 
one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways 
throughout the extent of his jurisdiction : this We desire to have 
fulfilled. For these causes and other considerations impelling us 
thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 123 

the extent of your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act 
in our stead and carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and for- 
bidding all merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors 
and others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit 
out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in order 
to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the 
savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communicate with them 
during the space of one year, within the jurisdiction of Sieur de 
Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and the entire confiscation of 
their vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit of 
Sieur de Monts; and, in order that the punishment of their dis- 
obedience may be assured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, 
the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, 
and arrest all violators of our present prohibition and order, also 
their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to 
take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that action 
may be taken not only against the persons, but also the property of 
the offenders, as the case shall require. This is our will, and We 
bid you to have it at once read and published in all localities and 
public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as you may 
deem necessary, by the first one of our officers or sergeants in ac- 
cordance with this requisition, by virtue of these presents, or a copy 
of the same, properly attested once only by one of our weU-beloved 
and faithful councillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is 
Our will that credence should be given as to the present original, 
in order that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, 
but that all may obey and act in accordance with Our will in this 
matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and 
second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on board of ves- 
sels or ships in the ports and harbors of the aforesaid country, to 
permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others possessing 
power and authority from him, to search the aforesaid vessels which 
shall have engaged in the fur-trade after the present prohibition 
shall have been made known to them. It is Our will that, upon the 
requisition of the aforesaid Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and 
others having authority, you should proceed against the disobedient 
and offenders, as the case may require : to this end. We give you 
power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwith- 
standing the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last, any 
hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or appeals of 



124 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

whatsoever kind ; on account of which, and for fear of disregarding 
which, it is Our will that there should be no delay, and, if any of 
these occur. We have withheld and reserved cognizance of the same 
to Ourselves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have 
forbidden and prohibited the same to all our courts and judges : for 
this is Our pleasure. 

Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of grace, 
sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of Our reign, 

Signed, Henry. 

And lower down, By the King, Delomenie. And sealed 
with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax/ 

Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and 
Secretary of the King. 

I proceeded to Honfieur for embarkation, where I found 
the vessel of Pont Grave in readiness. He left port on the 
5th of April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand 
Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45° 15'. On the 26th, 
we sighted Cape St. Mary, in latitude 46° 45', on the Island of 
Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month, we sighted Cape 
St. Lawrence,^ on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. 
Paul, distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary. On the 
30th, we sighted Isle Percee and Gaspe, in latitude 48° 40', 
distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five 
leagues. 

On the 3d of June, we arrived before Tadoussac, distant 
from Gaspe from eighty to ninety leagues; and we anchored 
in the roadstead of Tadoussac, a league distant from the 
harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the 
river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on ac- 
count of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent 

*More exactly, "sealed on a single strip [of the parchment itself on 
which the document was engrossed] with the great seal in yellow wax." 
Letters patent in this time bore the king's signature, the countersignature 
of his secretary after the words, Par le rqy, and the great seal. Letters 
patent of a permanent nature bore the impression of the seal in green wax ; 
those of a temporary nature generally in yellow wax. Giry, Manuel de 
Diplomatique, pp. 628, 759, 771-774. 

* Cape North, the northernmost point of Cape Breton. 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 126 

winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the 
harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to 
the fu'st fall on this river, which comes from the north-north- 
west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about 
twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter 
of the river Saguenay and a httle rocky island, which is 
almost cut by the river ; elsewhere there are very high moun- 
tains with Uttle soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered 
with such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near 
the harbor, shut in by mountains -covered with wood. There 
are two points at the mouth : one on the south-west side, ex- 
tending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. 
Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes;^ and another on 
the north-west side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and 
called Point of all Devils,^ from the dangerous nature of the 
place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the har- 
bor, which are not to be feared ; but those, however, from the 
Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at 
low tide; our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the 
wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat 
lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether 
Pont Grav4 had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop 
with the pilot of Pont Grave and a Basque, who came to 
inform me of what had happened to them because they at- 
tempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according 
to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his Maj- 
esty, that no vessels should trade without permission of Sieur 
de Monts, as was expressed in it; and that, notwithstand- 
ing the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf of his 
Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on their 
traffic; and that they had used their arms and maintained 
themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all their 
cannon upon that of Pont Grave, and letting off many musket- 
shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of his men, 
one of whom died, Pont Grave meanwhile making no resistance ; 

* I.e., Lark Point, still so called. 

' Now known as Pointe aux Vaches. 



126 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

for at the first shower of musketry he was struck down. The 
Basques came on board of the vessel and took away all the 
cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, notwith- 
standing the prohibition of the King, and that when they were 
ready to set out for France they would restore to him his cannon 
and ammunition, and that they were keeping them in order to 
be in a state of security. Upon hearing all these particulars, 
I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, which we might 
have easily avoided. 

Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things I asked 
him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He 
told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, 
and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would 
do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor. 

I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont 
Grave. The Basque said that, if I had need of anything in 
their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them 
to use this language was simply their recognition of having 
done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would 
not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talk- 
ing at length, I went ashore to see Pont Grave, in order to 
dehberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. 
He related to me in detail all that had happened. We con- 
cluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that 
the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we 
considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a 
just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances 
on my part so long as I should remain there, and that Pont 
Grave should undertake nothing against them, but that justice 
should be done in France, and their differences should be 
settled there. 

Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, 
where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long confer- 
ence, I secured an agreement between Pont Grave and him, 
and required him to promise that he would undertake noth- 
ing against Pont Grave, or what would be prejudicial to the 
King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the contrary, I 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 127 

should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed 
to, and signed by each. 

In this place were a number of savages who had come for 
traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their 
canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a 
pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing nar- 
rower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn 
over, in case one does not understand managing them, and 
are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by httle 
ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged; they are so fight 
that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight 
equal to that of a pipe.^ When they want to go overland to a 
river where they have business, they carry them with them. 
From Choiiacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of Tadous- 
sac, they are all afike. 

Chapter 2 

Of the River Saguenay, and the savages who visited us there. Of 
the Island of Orleans, and all that we observed there 
worthy of note. 

After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work 
to fit, up a fittle barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying 
all that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could 
not be got ready before the last of June. 

Meanwhile, I managed to visit some parts of the river 
Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth of some 
one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms.^ About fifty 
leagues ^ from the mouth of the harbor, there is, as is said, a 
great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with 
great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very 

^ A liquid measure, containing from 400 to 700 quarts. 

^ Corrected in the edition of 1632 to read 80 to 100. The deepest 
modern soundings give 146. 

'The Saguenay is navigable 71 miles from its mouth to Chicoutimi. 
From Lake St. John to its mouth^the distance is 112 miles. 



128 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

barren, being only rocks covered with small firs and heathers. 
It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league 
at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at three- 
quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out. All 
the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and rocky 
promontories, for the most part covered with fir and birch, 
a very unattractive country on both sides of the river. In a 
word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by either animals or 
birds ; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to me the 
most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such as 
swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At other 
times, there are none whatever, in consequence of the excessive 
cold. This river flows from the north-west. 

The savages told me that, after passing the first fall, they 
meet with eight others, when they go a day's journey with- 
out finding any. Then they pass ten others, and enter a lake,* 
which they are three days in crossing, and they are easily 
able to make ten leagues a day up stream. At the end of the 
lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three rivers ^ 
which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, very near 
the sea, where they consider it much colder than in their own 
country; and the other two from other directions in the in- 
terior, where are migratory savages, Hving only from hunting, 
and where our savages carry the merchandise we give them for 
their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and otter, which are 
found there in large numbers, and which they then carry to our 
vessels. These people of the north report to our savages that 
they see the salt sea ; and, if that is true, as I think it certainly 
is, it can be nothing but a gulf entering the interior on the 
north. ^ The savages say that the distance from the north sea 
to the port of Tadoussac is perhaps forty-five or fifty days' 
journey, in consequence of the difficulties presented by the 

* Lake St. John, twenty-six miles by twenty, first seen by Europeans in 
1647. 

* The Peribonka, Mistassini, and Ashuapmuchuan. 

' Hudson's Bay, discovered by Henry Hudson in 1610. Champlain 
had heard of his discoveries, and borrows from his maps. 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 129 

roads, rivers, and country, which is very mountainous, and 
where there is snow for the most part of the year. This is 
what I have definitely ascertained in regard to this river. 
I have often wished to explore it, but could not do so without 
the savages, who were unwilling that I or any of our party 
should accompany them. Nevertheless, they have promised 
that I shall do so. This exploration would be desirable, in 
order to remove the doubts of many persons in regard to the 
existence of this sea on the north, where it is maintained that 
the EngUsh have gone in these latter years to find a way to 
China. 

I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go 
to Quebec. We passed near an island called Hare Island,* 
distant six leagues from the above-named port: it is two 
leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the 
southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a Httle 
river, dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight 
hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon 
River,^ since we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting 
along the north shore, we came to a point extending into the 
river, which we called Cap Dauphin,^ distant three leagues 
from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which 
we named Eagle Cape,^ distant eight leagues from Cap 
Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay, at the ex- 
tremity of which is a Httle river dry at low tide. From Eagle 
Cape we proceeded to Isle aux Coudres,^ a good league dis- 
tant, which is about a league and a half long. It is nearly 
level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the 
western end there are meadows, and rocky points extending 
some distance out into the river. On the south-west side it 

^ Still so called. The name was given by Jacques Cartier. 

* Probably Black River, two leagues from Cape Salmon. 

* Now Cape Salmon. 

* Now Cap aux Oies, or Goose Cape. The present Eagle Cape (Cap k 
I'Aigle) is only about two leagues from Cape Salmon. Most of these places 
still retain their French names, owing to the predominatingly French popula- 
tion of the province of Quebec. 

« StUl so called. 



130 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

is very reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods 
surrounding it. It is distant about half a league from the 
northern shore, where is a httle river extending some distance 
into the interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre/ since 
abreast of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity; and, 
although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agi- 
tated, the depth there being great : but the river itseK is 
shallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. 
Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape 
which we named Cap de Tourmente,^ five leagues distant ; and 
we gave it this name because, however httle wind there may 
be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this point, 
the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to the 
Island of Orleans, a distance of two leagues, on the south 
side of which are numerous islands, low, covered with trees 
and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty of 
game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in 
length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are 
many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues 
distant from the main land on the south. All this shore, both 
north and south, from Tadoussac to the Island of Orleans, is 
mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, 
and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places 
one could not make his way. 

Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans,^ 
which is a league and a half distant from the main land and half 
a league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one 
in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the 
north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent 
of woods and meadows there ; but it is very dangerous saihng, 
in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between 
the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks 
and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods, 

^ I.e., Whirlpool River, still so called. ' Still so called. 

^ Still so called. Discovered by Cartier in 1535, and named the Island 
of Bacchus, because of the quantity of grapes seen growing. See Early 
English and French Voyages, pp. 45-48. 



1608] THE VOYAGES OP 1608-1610 131 

vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place 
is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the 
great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues 
from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrrent of 
water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues 
in the interior : it comes down from a height of nearly twenty- 
five fathoms,^ above which the land is level and pleasant, al- 
though farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be 
from fifteen to twenty leagues distant. 



Chapter 3 

Arrival at Quebec, where we constructed our place of abode; its 
situation. Conspiracy against the service of the King and 
my life by some of our men. Punishment of them, and 
all that transpired in the affair. 

From the Island of Orleans to Quebec ^ the distance is a 
league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched 
for a place suitable for our settlement, but I could find none 
more convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, 
so called by the savages, which was covered with nut-trees. 
I at once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting 
them down, that we might construct our habitation there: 
one I set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and dig- 
ging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to 
get suppHes. The first thing we made was the storehouse for 

' The Montmorency Falls, flowing from Snow Lake, some fifty miles in 
the interior. Named by Champlain after the Admiral, Charles de Mont- 
morency, to whom he dedicated his voyage of 1603. The height of the falls 
is really two hmidred and sixty-five feet. 

2 Quebec, an Algonquin word meaning "the narrowing of the waters." 
In Cartier's time, it was called by the Indians Stadacon^. This point, 
where the first settlement was made, was " close to the place where the Cham- 
plain Market now stands in the lower town of the present city, and partly 
on the site now occupied by the Church of Notre Dame des Victoires." S. E. 
Dawson, The St. Lawrence, p. 254. 



132 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accom- 
pHshed through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work. 

Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a locksmith ^ con- 
spired against the service of the king. His plan was to put 
me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to put it into 
the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, 
beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge 
of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way. 

In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped 
to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, 
as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and pre- 
senting to them prospects of acquiring riches. 

These four men, having been won over, all promised to act 
in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side; so 
that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could 
put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making 
their plan succeed: for four or five of my companions, in 
whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of 
the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and 
supphes necessary for our settlement. 

In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their in- 
trigues with those who remained, that they were on the point 
of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, promising 
them many things which they could not have fulfilled. 

Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to 
how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of 
it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil 
bhndfolding them all and taking away their reason and every 
possible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed 
and strangle me ; or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot 
me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they 
would accompHsh their work sooner than otherwise. They 
made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty 
that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. 
They were to execute their plan in four days, before the 

* He was the one survivor of the five who had been attacked by the 
Indians on the coast of Massachusetts. See p. 99, and Lescarbot (iv., xvi.). 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 133 

arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable 
to carry out their scheme. 

On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our 
pilot, Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque 
was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came 
to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, 
the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had prom- 
ised the rest to do just as they did; but that he did not in 
fact desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make 
a disclosure in regard to it, from fear of being poniarded. 

Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make 
no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his 
companions should discover it, they would put him to death. 
The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked 
him to state the character of the plot which they wished to 
carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to 
him: "My friend, you have done well to disclose such a ma- 
licious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and 
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things 
cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge 
of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against 
them; and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to 
pardon you and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, 
''go to him without exciting any suspicion; and do you go 
about your business, hstening to all they may say, and not 
troubhng yourseK about the rest." 

The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was 
having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a 
private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, 
and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole 
affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to 
pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented 
to do, although he ought to have addressed himseK to me. 
He was afraid, he rephed, that you would become angry, and 
harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself 
better than that, in such a matter; and desired him to have 
the man come to me, that I might hear his statement. He 



134 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

went, and brought him all trembhng with fear lest I should 
do him some harm. I reassured him, telHng him not to be 
afraid; that he was in a place of safety, and that I should 
pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, 
provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the 
whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. 
''Nothing," he said, ''had impelled them, except that they 
had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of 
the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and 
that they did not want to go back to France." He also re- 
lated to me the remaining particulars in regard to their con- 
spiracy. 

After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to 
go about his work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to bring 
up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of 
wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four 
worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present 
of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and 
that he wished to share it with them. This they did not 
dechne, and at evening were on board the barque where he 
was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going 
there shortly after; and caused them to be seized, and held 
until the next day. 

Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had 
all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and 
pardoned them all, on condition that they would disclose to 
me the truth in regard to all that had occurred; which they 
did, when I had them retire. 

The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the 
other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, 
which I had put down in writing ; and they were well pleased, 
as they said, since they had hved only in fear of each other, 
especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But 
now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the 
treatment which they had received. 

The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the 
authors of the conspiracy: one for our surgeon, named Bon- 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 135 

nerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four 
conspirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and 
consequently they were given their hberty. 

This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging 
Pont Grave to do me the favor of guarding them, since I 
had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were 
occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another ob- 
ject was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to 
what should be done in the premises. We suggested that, 
after he had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to 
Quebec with the prisoners, where we should have them con- 
fronted with their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, 
order justice to be done according to the offence which they had 
committed. 

I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the com- 
pletion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, 
which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared 
nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when 
these failed; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the 
storehouse should be completed and shut up. 

Pont Grave arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, 
which caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since 
they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would 
avenge themselves upon them for reveahng their wicked 
design. 

We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed 
before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the 
prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted 
in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy 
might be exercised towards them; accusing, above all, Jean 
du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a con- 
spiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du 
Val knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, 
that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged 
for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in 
their adherence to his pernicious purposes. 

After Pont Grave and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, 



136 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

mate, second mate, and other sailors, had heard their deposi- 
tions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would 
be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of the con- 
spiracy ; and that he might serve as an example to those who 
remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in 
future, in the discharge of their duty ; and that the Spaniards 
and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the coun- 
try, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the 
three others be condemned to be hung, but that they should 
be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, 
that such ample justice might be done them as he should rec- 
ommend ; that they should be sent with all the evidence and 
their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who was strangled 
and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, 
to be set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort. 



Chapter 4 

Return of Pont Grave to France. Description of our quarters 
and the place where Jacques C artier stayed in 1535. 

After all these occurrences, Pont Grave set out from Quebec, 
on the 18th of September, to return to France with the three 
prisoners. After he had gone, all who remained conducted 
themselves correctly in the discharge of their duty. 

I had the work on our quarters continued, which was 
composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one was 
three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The store- 
house was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar 
six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, 
on the outside, at the second story, which proved very con- 
venient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six 
deep. On the outer side of the ditches, I constructed several 
spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points 
where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is 
a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out 



1535] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 137 

Upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very 
good gardens, and a place on the north side some hundred or 
hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or sixty wide. More- 
over, near Quebec, there is a Httle river, coming from a lake 
in the interior, distant six or seven leagues from our settle- 
ment. I am of opinion that this river,^ which is north a quar- 
ter north-west from our settlement, is the place where Jacques 
Cartier wintered, since there are still, a league up the river, 
remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the founda- 
tion of which has been found, and indications of there having 
been ditches surrounding their dwelhng, which was small. 
We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten timber, 
and some three or four cannon-balls. All these things show 
clearly that there was a settlement there founded by Chris- 
tians ; and what leads me to say and beheve that it was that of 
Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no evidence whatever 
that any one wintered and built a house in these places except 
Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discoveries. This place, 
as I think, must have been called St. Croix, as he named it; 
which name has since been transferred to another place fifteen 
leagues west of our settlement. But there is no evidence of his 
having wintered in the place now called St. Croix, nor in any 
other there, since in this direction there is no river or other place 
large enough for vessels except the main river or that of which 
I spoke above ; here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, 
many rocks, and a bank at the mouth ; for vessels, if kept in 
the main river, where there are strong currents and tides, and 
ice in the winter, drifting along, would run the risk of being 
lost; especially as there is a sandy point extending out into 
the river, and filled with rocks, between which we have found, 
within the last three years, a passage not before discovered; 
but one must go through cautiously, in consequence of the 
dangerous points there. This place is exposed to the north- 
west winds; and the river runs as if it were a fall, the tide 
ebbing two and a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings 

^ Now the St. Charles, called by Jacques Cartier the St. Croix. Early 
English and French Voyages, pp. 70, 75. 



138 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1535 

here, nor any indications that a man of judgment would settle 
in this place, there being many other better ones, in case one 
were obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous 
of speaking at length on this point, since many beheve that 
the abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not beheve, 
for the reasons here given ; for Cartier would have left to pos- 
terity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of all he 
saw and discovered; and I maintain that my opinion is the 
true one, as can be shown by the history which he has left in 
writing/ 

As still farther proof that this place now called St. Croix is 
not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons 
think, this is what he says about it in his discoveries, taken 
from his history; namely, that he arrived at the Isle aux 
Coudres on the 5th of December,^ 1535, which he called by 
this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a strong 
tidal current in this place ; and he says that it is three leagues 
long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. 
On the 7th of the month, Notre Dame Day,^ he set out from 
this island to go up the river, in which he saw fourteen islands, 
distant seven or eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres on the 
south. He errs somewhat in this estimation, for it is not 
more than three leagues.^ He also says that the place where 
the islands are is the commencement of the land or province 
of Canada, and that he reached an island ten leagues long and 
five wide, where extensive fisheries are carried on, fish being 
here, in fact, very abundant, especially the sturgeon. But 
its length is not more than six leagues, and its breadth two; 
a fact well recognized now. He says also that he anchored 

^ Champlain is obviously correct, though a century later the Jesuit 
Charlevoix, in his Histoire Generale de la Nouvelle France, sustains the con- 
trary opinion. 

^ This should read September 6. See Early English and French Voyages, 
p. 45. 

^ September 7 is not the day of Our Lady, but the even or vigil before it. 

* Cartier is really the more correct of the two, for though the islands are 
only three leagues higher up the river than Isle aux Coudres, they lie so far 
in to the north shore that the distance is practically as stated by Cartier. 



1535] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 139 

between this island and the main land on the north, the smallest 
passage, and a dangerous one, where he landed two savages 
whom he had taken to France, and that, after stopping in this 
place some time with the people of the country, he sent for his 
barques and went farther up the river, with the tide, seeking 
a harbor and place of security for his ships. He says, farther, 
that they went on up the river, coasting along this island, the 
length of which he estimates at ten leagues ; and after it was 
passed they found a very fine and pleasant bay, containing a 
Httle river and bar harbor, which they found very favorable 
for sheltering their vessels. This they named St. Croix, since 
he arrived there on this day ; ^ and at the time of the voyage 
of Cartier the place was called Stadaca,^ but we now call 
it Quebec. He says, also, that after he had examined this 
place he returned to get his vessels for passing the winter 
there. 

Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is 
only five leagues ^ from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of 
Orleans, at the western extremity of which the river is very 
broad ; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other 
river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league dis- 
tant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there 
is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for 
vessels at its mouth, there being a large number of spurs; 
that is, rocks scattered here and there. It is accordingly 
necessary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I 
have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and 
four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides 
at full flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our habita- 
tion, which is higher up the river; and, as I have stated, 
there is no other river up to the place now called St. Croix, 
where vessels can he, there being only httle brooks. The 
shores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not mention 
until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now called 

^ I.e., September 14, the day on which the exaltation of the Holy Cross 
is celebrated. 

^ Stadacon^. ' It is at least twenty-six nautical miles. 



140 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIISr [1608 

Quebec, where he left his vessels, and built his place of abode, 
as is seen from what follows. 

On the 19th of September, he set out from St. Croix 
where his vessels were, setting sail with the tide up the river, 
which they found very pleasant, as well on account of the 
woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as 
for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five leagues 
from the entrance to the land of Canada ; ^ that is, at the 
western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. 
What is now called St. Croix was then called Achelacy, at 
a narrow pass where the river is very swift and dangerous on 
account of the rocks and other things, and which can only 
be passed at flood-tide. Its distance from Quebec and the 
river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues. 

Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from 
Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the 
place now called St. Croix, the name of which has been trans- 
ferred from one place to another one, which is very danger- 
ous, as my description shows. And it is very apparent, 
from his narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, 
as is claimed ; but that the latter was near Quebec, and that 
no one had entered into a special investigation of this matter 
before my doing so in my voyages. For the first time I was 
told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly astonished, find- 
ing no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there was. 
This led me to make a careful examination, in order to re- 
move the suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard to the 
matter. 

While the carpenters, sawers of boards, and other work- 
men were employed on our quarters, I set all the others to 
work clearing up around our place of abode, in preparation 
for gardens in which to plant grain and seeds, that we 

^ Cartier distinguishes clearly the three realms of Canada (about Quebec), 
Hochelaga (about Montreal), and Saguenay. He represents Canada as be- 
ginning at the Isle aux Coudres. Under the French, Canada assumed a wider 
though indeterminate meaning, its limits being the cause of frequent quar- 
rels with the English colonies to the south. 



1608] THE V0YAG:ES of 1608-1610 141 

might see how they would flourish, as the soil seemed to be 
very good. 

Meanwhile, a large number of savages were encamped in 
cabins near us, engaged in fishing for eels, which begin to 
come about the 15th of September, and go away on the 15th 
of October. During this time, all the savages subsist on this 
food, and dry enough of it for the winter to last until the month 
of February, when there are about two and a half, or at most 
three, feet of snow; and, when their eels and other things 
which they dry have been prepared, they go to hunt the 
beaver until the beginning of January. At their departure 
for this purpose, they intrusted to us all their eels and other 
things, until their return, which was on the 15th of December. 
But they did not have great success in the beaver-hunt, as 
the amount of water was too great, the rivers having overrun 
their banks, as they told us. I returned to them all their 
supphes, which lasted them only until the 20th of January. 
When their supply of eels gave out, they hunted the elk and 
such other wild beasts as they could find until spring, when I 
was able to supply them with various things. I paid especial 
attention to their customs.^ 

These people suffer so much from lack of food that they 
are sometimes obhged to five on certain shell-fish, and eat 
their dogs and the skins with which they clothe themselves 
against the cold. I am of opinion that, if one were to show 
them how to five, and teach them the cultivation of the soil 
and other things, they would learn very aptly. For many of 
them possess good sense, and answer properly questions put to 
them. They have a bad habit of taking vengeance, and are 
great Hars, and you must not put much rehance on them, ex- 
cept judiciously, and with force at hand. They make prom- 
ises readily, but keep their word poorly. The most of them 
observe no law at all, so far as I have been able to see, and 
are, besides, full of superstitions. I asked them with what 
ceremonies they were accustomed to pray to their God, when 

* The account which follows is largely taken from ch. iii. of the voyage 
of 1603. 



142 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1608 

they replied that they had none, but that each prayed to him 
in his heart, as he wished. That is why there is no law among 
them, and they do not know what it is to worship and pray 
to God, living as they do hke brute beasts. But I think that 
they would soon become good Christians, if people would come 
and inhabit their country, which they are for the most part 
desirous of. There are some savages among them, called by 
them Pilotois, whom they beheve to have intercourse with the 
devil face to face, who tells them what they must do in regard 
to war and other things ; and, if he should order them to exe- 
cute any undertaking, they would obey at once. So, also, they 
beheve that all their dreams are true ; and, in fact, there are 
many who say. that they have had visions and dreams about 
matters which actually come to pass or will do so. But, to 
tell the truth, these are diabohcal visions, through which they 
are deceived and misled. This is all I have been able to 
learn about their brutish faith. All these people are well 
proportioned in body, without deformity, and are agile. The 
women, also, are well-formed, plump, and of a swarthy color, in 
consequence of certain pigments with which they rub them- 
selves, and which give them a permanent ohve color. They 
are dressed in skins : a part only of the body is covered. But 
in winter they are covered throughout, in good furs of elk, 
otter, beaver, bear, seals, deer, and roe, of which they have large 
quantities. In winter, when the snow is deep, they make a 
sort of snow-shoe of large size, two or three times as large as 
that used in France, which they attach to their feet, thus going 
over the snow without sinking in; otherwise, they could not 
hunt or walk in many places. They have a sort of marriage, 
which is as follows : When a girl is fourteen or fifteen years 
old, and has several suitors, she may keep company with all she 
hkes. At the end of five or six years, she takes the one that 
pleases her for her husband, and they live together to the end 
of their lives. But if, after hving some time together, they 
have no children, the man can disunite himself and take 
another woman, alleging that his own is good for nothing. 
Hence, the girls have greater freedom than the married women. 



1608] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 143 

After marriage; the women are chaste, and their husbands 
generally jealous. They give presents to the fathers or rela- 
tives of the girls they have wedded. These are the ceremo- 
nies and forms observed in their marriages. In regard to 
their burials : "When a man or a woman dies, they dig a pit, 
in which they put all their property, as kettles, furs, axes, 
bows, arrows, robes, and other things. Then they place the 
body in the pit and cover it with earth, putting on top many 
large pieces of wood, and another piece upright, painted red 
on the upper part. They beheve in the immortahty of the 
soul, and say that they shall be happy in other lands with their 
relatives and friends who are dead. In the case of captains 
or others of some distinction, they celebrate a banquet three 
times a year after their death, singing and dancing about the 
grave. 

All the time they were with us, which was the most secure 
place for them, they did not cease to fear their enemies ^ to 
such an extent that they often at night became alarmed while 
dreaming, and sent their wives and children to our fort, the 
gates of which I had opened to them, allowing the men to 
remain about the fort, but not permitting them to enter, for 
their persons were thus as much in security as if they had 
been inside. I also had five or six of our men go out to reas- 
sure them, and to go and ascertain whether they could see 
anything in the woods, in order to quiet them. They are 
very timid and in great dread of their enemies, scarcely ever 
sleeping in repose in whatever place they may be, although I 
constantly reassured them, so far as I could, urging them to 
do as we did ; namely, that they should have a portion watch 
while the others slept, that each one should have his arms in 
readiness hke him who was keeping watch, and that they 
should not regard dreams as the actual truth to be relied 
upon, since they are mostly only false, to which I also added 
other words on the same subject. But these remonstrances 
were of Httle avail with them, and they said that we knew 

* I.e., the Iroquois. 



144 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

better than they how to keep guard against all things; and 
that they, in course of time, if we continued to stay with 
them, would be able to learn it. 



Chapter 5 

Seeds and vines planted at Quebec. Commencement of the winter 
and ice. Extreme destitution of certain Indians. 

On the 1st of October, I had some wheat sown, and on the 
15th some rye. On the 3d, there was a white frost in some 
places, and the leaves of the trees began to fall on the 15th. 
On the 24th, I had some native vines set out, which flourished 
very well. But, after leaving the settlement to go to France, 
they were all spoiled from lack of attention, at which I was 
much troubled on my return. On the 18th of November, there 
was a great fall of snow, which remained only two days on the 
ground, during which time there was a violent gale of wind. 
There died during this month a sailor and our locksmith^ 
of dysentery, so also many Indians from eating eels badly 
cooked, as I think. On the 5th of February, it snowed vio- 
lently, and the wind was high for two days. On the 20th, 
some Indians appeared on the other side of the river, calhng to 
us to go to their assistance, which was beyond our power, on 
account of the large amount of ice drifting in the river. Hun- 
ger pressed upon these poor wretches so severely that, not 
knowing what to do, they resolved, men, women, and children, 
to cross the river or die, hoping that I should assist them in 
their extreme want. Having accordingly made this resolve, 
the men and women took the children and embarked in their 
canoes, thinking that they could reach our shore by an opening 
in the ice made by the wind ; but they were scarcely in the 
middle of the stream when their canoes were caught by the ice 
and broken into a thousand pieces. But they were skilful 

^ Probably the informer Natel. See p. 133. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 145 

enough to throw themselves, with the children, which the 
women carried on their backs, on a large piece of ice. As they 
were on it, we heard them crying out so that it excited intense 
pity, as before them there seemed nothing but death. But 
fortune was so favorable to these poor wretches that a large 
piece of ice struck against the side of that on which they were, 
so violently as to drive them ashore. On seeing this favorable 
turn, they reached the shore with as much dehght as they ever 
experienced, notwithstanding the great hunger from which 
they were suffering. They proceeded to our abode, so thin 
and haggard that they seemed hke mere skeletons, most of them 
not being able to hold themselves up. I was astonished to see 
them, and observe the manner in which they had crossed, in 
view of their being so feeble and weak. I ordered some bread 
and beans to be given them. So great was their impatience 
to eat them, that they could not wait to have them cooked. 
I lent them also some bark, which other savages had given me, 
to cover their cabins. As they were making their cabin, they 
discovered a piece of carrion, which I had had thrown out 
nearly two months before to attract the foxes, of which we 
caught black and red ones, hke those in France, but with 
heavier fur. This carrion consisted of a sow and a dog, which 
had sustained all the rigors of the weather, hot and cold. 
When the weather was mild, it stank so badly that one could 
not go near it. Yet they seized it and carried it off to their 
cabin, where they forthwith devoured it half cooked. No 
meat ever seemed to them to taste better. I sent two or three 
men to warn them not to eat it, unless they wanted to die : 
as they approached their cabin, they smelt such a stench from 
this carrion hah warmed up, each one of the Indians holding 
a piece in his hand, that they thought they should disgorge, 
and accordingly scarcely stopped at all. These poor wretches 
finished their repast. I did not fail, however, to supply them 
according to my resources ; but this was httle, in view of the 
large number of them. In the space of a month, they would 
have eaten up all our provisions, if they had had them in 
their power, they are so gluttonous: for, when they have 



146 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

edibles, they lay nothing aside, but keep consuming them 
day and night without respite, afterwards dying of hunger. 
They did also another thing as disgusting as that just men- 
tioned. I had caused a bitch to be placed on the top of a 
tree, which allured the martens ^ and birds of prey, from 
which I derived pleasure, since generally this carrion was at- 
tacked by them. These savages went to the tree, and, being 
too weak to climb it, cut it down and forthwith took away 
the dog, which was only skin and bones, the tainted head 
emitting a stench, but which was at once devoured. 

This is the kind of enjoyment they experience for the 
most part in winter; for in summer they are able to support 
themselves, and to obtain provisions so as not to be assailed 
by such extreme hunger, the rivers abounding in fish, while 
birds and wild animals fill the country about. The soil 
is very good and well adapted for tillage, if they would but 
take pains to plant Indian corn, as all their neighbors do, 
the Algonquins, Ochastaiguins,^ and Iroquois, who are 
not attacked by such extremes of hunger, which they pro- 
vide against by their carefulness and foresight, so that they 
live happily in comparison with the Montagnais, Canadians, 
and Souriquois along the seacoast. This is in the main their 
wretched manner of hfe. The snow and ice last three months 
there, from January to the 8th of April, when it is nearly 
all melted: at the latest, it is only seldom that any is seen 
at the end of the latter month at our settlement. It is re- 
markable that so much snow and ice as there is on the river, 
and which is from two to three fathoms thick, is all melted 
in less than twelve days. From Tadoussac to Gasp^, Cape 

^ I.e., weasels. 

^ I.e., the Hurons, about Lake Huron and Georgian Bay. The Algon- 
quins had their headquarters near the Ottawa, the Iroquois or Five Nations 
in Northern New York. The Montagnais wandered on both sides of the 
Saguenay ; the Canadians to the east of the Montagnais, the Souriquois in 
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Sagard (Le Grand Voyage aux Pays des 
Hurons, 1632) distinguishes Hurons, Algonquins, and Montagnais as "the 
nobles, the burghers, and the peasantry and paupers of the forest." See 
Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 359. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 147 

Breton, Newfoundland, and the Great Bay,^ the snow and ice 
continue in most places until the end of May, at which time 
the entire entrance of the great river is sealed with ice; al- 
though at Quebec there is none at all, showing a strange dif- 
ference for one hundred and twenty leagues in longitude, for 
the entrance to the river is in latitude 49° 50' to 51°, and our 
settlement in 46° 40'. 

Chapter 6 

The scurvy at Quebec. How the winter passed. Description of 
the place. Arrival at Quebec of Sieur des Marais, son- 
in-law of Pont Grave. 

The scurvy began very late; namely, in February, and 
continued until the middle of April. Eighteen were attacked, 
and ten died ; five others dying of the dysentery. I had some 
opened, to see whether they were tainted, Uke those I had seen 
in our other settlements. They were found the same. Some 
time after, our surgeon died.^ All this troubled us very much, 
on account of the difficulty we had in attending to the sick. 
The nature of this disease I have described before. 

It is my opinion that this disease proceeds only from eating 
excessively of salt food and vegetables, which heat the blood 
and corrupt the internal parts. The winter is also, in part, 
its cause; since it checks the natural warmth, causing a 
still greater corruption of the blood. There rise also from 
the earth, when first cleared up, certain vapors which infect 
the air : this has been observed in the case of those who have 
lived at other settlements; after the first year when the sun 
had been let in upon what was not before cleared up, as 
well in our abode as in other places, the air was much better, 
and the diseases not so violent as before. But the country 
is fine and pleasant, and brings to maturity all kinds of grains 

^ I.e., the wide expanse between Newfoundland and the mainland, after 
passing westward through the Straits of Belle Isle. 
2 His name was Bonnerme. See p. 134. 



148 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

and seeds, there being found all the various kinds of trees 
which we have here in our forests, and many fruits, although 
they are naturally wild; as, nut-trees, cherry-trees, plum- 
trees, vines, raspberries, strawberries, currants, both green 
and red, and several other small fruits, which are very good. 
There are also several kinds of excellent plants and roots. 
Fishing is abundant in the rivers ; and game without hmit on 
the numerous meadows bordering them. From the month of 
April to the 15th of December, the air is so pure and healthy 
that one does not experience the slightest indisposition. But 
January, February, and March are dangerous, on account of the 
sicknesses prevaiUng at this time, rather than in summer, for 
the reasons before given ; for, as to treatment, all of my com- 
pany were well clothed, provided with good beds, and well 
warmed and fed, that is, with the salt meats we had, which 
in my opinion injured them greatly, as I have already stated. 
As far as I have been able to see, the sickness attacks one 
who is delicate in his hving and takes particular care of him- 
self as readily as one whose condition is as wretched as possible. 
We supposed at first that the workmen only would be attacked 
with this disease ; but this we found was not the case. Those 
sailing to the East Indies and various other regions, as Ger- 
many and England, are attacked with it as well as in New 
France. Some time ago, the Flemish, being attacked with 
this malady in their voyages to the Indies, found a very strange 
remedy, which might be of service to us; but we have never 
ascertained the character of it. Yet I am confident that, 
with good bread and fresh meat, a person would not be liable 
to it. 

On the 8th of April, the snow had all melted ; and yet the 
air was still very cold until April, ^ when the trees begin to 
leaf out. 

Some of those sick with the scurvy were cured when spring 
came, which is the season for recovery. I had a savage of the 
country wintering with me, who was attacked with this dis- 
ease from having changed his diet to salt meat; and he died 
* In the edition of 1632, he corrects this to May. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 149 

from its effects, which clearly shows that salt food is not 
nourishing, but quite the contrary in this disease. 

On the 5th of June, a shallop arrived at our settlement 
with Sieur des Marais,^ a son-in-law of Pont Grave, bringing 
us the tidings that his father-in-law had arrived at Tadoussac 
on the 28th of May. This intelligence gave me much satis- 
faction, as we entertained hopes of assistance from him. Only 
eight out of the twenty-eight at first forming our company 
were remaining, and half of these were aihng. 

On the 7th of June, I set out from Quebec for Tadoussac 
on some matters of business, and asked Sieur des Marais to 
stay in my place until my return, which he did. 

Immediately upon my arrival, Pont Grave and I had a 
conference in regard to some explorations which I was to 
make in the interior, where the savages had promised to 
guide us. We determined that I should go in a shallop with 
twenty men, and that Pont Grave should stay at Tadoussac to 
arrange the affairs of our settlement ; and this determination 
was carried out, he spending the winter there. This arrange- 
ment was especially desirable, since I was to return to France, 
according to the orders sent out by Sieur de Monts, in order 
to inform him of what I had done and the explorations I had 
made in the country. 

After this decision, I set out at once from Tadoussac, and 
returned to Quebec, where I had a shallop fitted out with all 
that was necessary for making explorations in the country of 
the Iroquois, where I was to go with our alHes, the Montagnais. 

Chapter 7 

Departure from Quebec and voyage to the Isle St. Eloi. Meeting 
there with the Algonquins and Ochataiguins. 

With this purpose, I set out on the 18th of the month. 
Here the river begins to widen, in some places to the breadth 

* Claude Godet, Sieur des Marets. He married Jeanne, the only daugh- 
ter of Pont Grav6. His younger brother Jean was the Sieur du Pare, after- 
wards mentioned. 



150 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

of a league or a league and a half. The country becomes more 
and more beautiful. There are hills along the river in part, 
and in part it is a level country, with but few rocks. The river 
itself is dangerous in many places, in consequence of its banks 
and rocks ; and it is not safe sailing without keeping the lead 
in hand. The river is very abundant in many kinds of fish, 
not only such as we have here, but others which we have not. 
The country is thickly covered with massive and lofty forests, 
of the same kind of trees as we have about our habitation. 
There are also many vines and nut-trees on the bank of the 
river, and many small brooks and streams which are only 
navigable with canoes. We passed near Point St. Croix, 
which many maintain, as I have said elsewhere, is the place 
where Jacques Cartier spent the winter. This point is sandy, 
extending some distance out into the river, and exposed to the 
north-west wind, which beats upon it. There are some mea- 
dows, covered however every full tide, which falls nearly two 
fathoms and a half. This passage is very dangerous on account 
of the large number of rocks stretching across the river, al- 
though there is a good but very winding channel, where the 
river runs like a race, rendering it necessary to take the proper 
time for passing. This place has deceived many, who thought 
they could only pass at high tide from there being no channel : 
but we have now found the contrary to be true, for one can go 
down at low tide ; but it would be difficult to ascend, in con- 
sequence of the strong current, unless there were a good wind. 
It is consequently necessary to wait until the tide is a third 
flood, in order to pass, when the current in the channel is six, 
eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen fathoms deep. 

Continuing our course, we reached a very pleasant river, 
nine leagues distant from St. Croix and twenty-four from 
Quebec. This we named St. Mary's River.^ The river all 
the way from St. Croix is very pleasant. 

Pursuing our route, I met some two or three hundred sav- 
ages, who were encamped in huts near a httle island called 
St. Eloi, a league and a half distant from St. Mary. We 
^ Now the Sainte Anne. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 151 

made a reconnoissance, and found that they were tribes of 
savages, called Ochateguins and Algonquins, on their way 
to Quebec, to assist us in exploring the territory of the Iro- 
quois, with whom they are in deadly hostiUty, sparing nothing 
belonging to their enemies. 

After reconnoitring, I went on shore to see them, and in- 
quired who their chief was. They told me there were two, 
one named Yroquet, and the other Ochasteguin, whom they 
pointed out to me. I went to their cabin, where they gave 
me a cordial reception, as is their custom. 

I proceeded to inform them of the object of my voyage, 
with which they were greatly pleased. After some talk, I 
withdrew. Some time after, they came to my shallop, and 
presented me with some peltry, exhibiting many tokens of 
pleasure. Then they returned to the shore. 

The next day, the two chiefs came to see me, when they 
remained some time without saying a word, meditating and 
smoking all the while. After due reflection, they began to 
harangue in a loud voice all their companions who were on 
the bank of the river, with their arms in their hands, and hs- 
tening very attentively to what their chiefs said to them, which 
was as follows : that nearly ten moons ago, according to their 
mode of reckoning, the son of Yroquet had seen me, and that 
I had given him a good reception, and declared that Pont 
Grave and I desired to assist them against their enemies, with 
whom they had for a long time been at warfare, on account 
of many cruel acts coramitted by them against their tribe, 
under color of friendship; that, having ever since longed for 
vengeance, they had sohcited all the savages, whom I saw on 
the bank of the river, to come and make an alhance with us, 
and that their never having seen Christians also impelled them 
to come and visit us; that I should do with them and their 
companions as I wished; that they had no children with 
them, but men versed in war and full of courage, acquainted 
with the country and rivers in the land of the Iroquois; that 
now they entreated me to return to our settlement, that they 
might see our houses, and that, after three days, we should all 



152 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

together come back to engage in the war; that, as a token of 
firm friendship and joy, I should have muskets and arquebuses 
fired, at which they would be greatly pleased. This I did, 
when they uttered great cries of astonishment, especially those 
who had never heard nor seen the hke. 

After hearing them, I repUed that, if they desired, I should 
be very glad to return to our settlement, to gratify them 
still more ; and that they might conclude that I had no other 
purpose than to engage in the war, since we carried with us 
nothing but arms, and not merchandise for barter, as they had 
been given to understand; and that my only desire was to 
fulfil what I had promised them; and that, if I had known 
of any who had made evil reports to them, I should regard 
them as enemies more than they did themselves. They told 
me that they beHeved nothing of them, and that they never 
had heard any one speak thus. But the contrary was the 
case ; for there were some savages who told it to ours. I con- 
tented myseK with waiting for an opportunity to show them 
in fact something more than they could have expected from 
me. 

Chapter 8 

Return to Quebec. Continuation afterwards with the savages to 
the fall of the river of the Iroquois. 

The next day, we set out all together for our settlement, 
where they enjoyed themselves some five or six days, which 
were spent in dances and festivities, on account of their eager- 
ness for us to engage in the war. 

Pont Grave came forthwith from Tadoussac with two little 
barques full of men, in compliance with a letter, in which I 
begged him to come as speedily as possible. 

The savages seeing him arrive rejoiced more than ever, in- 
asmuch as I told them that he had given some of his men to 
assist them, and that perhaps we should go together. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 153 

On the 28th of the month/ we equipped some barques 
for assisting these savages. Pont Grav^ embarked on one and 
I on the other, when we all set out together. The first of June/ 
we arrived at St. Croix, distant fifteen leagues from Quebec, 
where Pont Grave and I concluded that, for certain reasons, 
I should go with the savages, and he to our settlement and to 
Tadoussac. This resolution being taken, I embarked in my 
shallop all that was necessary, together with Des Marais and 
La Routte, our pilot, and nine men. 

I set out from St. Croix on the 3d of June ^ with all the 
savages. We passed the Trois Rivieres,'' a very beautiful 
country, covered with a growth of fine trees. From this 
place to St. Croix is a distance of fifteen leagues. At the 
mouth of the above-named river ^ there are six islands, three 
of which are very small, the others some fifteen to sixteen 
hundred paces long, very pleasant in appearance. Near Lake 
St. Peter,^ some two leagues up the river, there is a Httle 
fall not very difficult to pass. This place is in latitude 46°, 
lacking some minutes. The savages of the country gave us 
to understand that some days' journey up this river there is a 
lake, through which the river flows. The length of the lake 
is ten days' journey, when some falls are passed, and after- 
wards three or four other lakes of five or six days' journey in 
length. Having reached the end of these, they go four or 
five leagues by land, and enter still another lake,' where the 
Sacque has its principal source. From this lake, the savages 
go to Tadoussac. The Trois Rivieres extends forty days' 
journey of the savages. They say that at the end of this river 
there is a people, who are great hunters, without a fixed 
abode, and who are less than six days' journey from the 
North Sea. What Httle of the coimtry I have seen is sandy, 

» June 28, 1609. ' July 1. » July 3. 

* Three Rivers, so called because the St. Maurice flows by three mouths 
into the St. Lawrence. 

* I.e., the St. Maurice. 

' Cartier's Lake of Angouleme. Early English and French Voyages, 
p. 55. 

^ Lake St. John, the source of the Saguenay. 



154 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

very high, with hills, covered with large quantities of pine and 
fir on the river border; but some quarter of a league inland 
the woods are very fine and open, and the country level. 

Thence we continued our course to the entrance of Lake 
St. Peter, where the country is exceedingly pleasant and level, 
and crossed the lake, in two, three, and four fathoms of water, 
which is some eight leagues long and four wide. On the 
north side, we saw a very pleasant river, extending some twenty 
leagues into the interior, which I named St. Suzanne; on 
the south side, there are two, one called Riviere du Pont, 
the other, Riviere de Gennes, which are very pretty, and 
in a fine and fertile country.^ The water is almost still in the 
lake, which is full of fish. On the north bank, there are seen 
some slight elevations at a distance of some twelve or fifteen 
leagues from the lake. After crossing the lake, we passed a 
large number of islands of various sizes, containing many nut- 
trees and vines, and fine meadows, with quantities of game 
and wild animals, which go over from the main land to these 
islands. Fish are here more abundant than in any other part 
of the river that we had seen. From these islands, we went to 
the mouth of the River of the Iroquois,^ where we stayed two 
days, refreshing ourselves with good venison, birds, and fish, 
which the savages gave us. Here there sprang up among 
them some difference of opinion on the subject of the war, so 
that a portion only determined to go with me, while the others 
returned to their country with their wives and the merchan- 
dise which they had obtained by barter. 

Setting out from the mouth of this river, which is some 
four hundred to five hundred paces broad, and very beautiful, 
running southward,^ we arrived at a place in latitude 45°, 
and twenty-two or twenty-three leagues from the Trois Riv- 
ieres. All this river from its mouth to the first fall, a distance 

^ Now Riviere du Loup, on the north side ; on the south side are three, 
now called Nicolet, St. Francis, and Yamaska. 

^ Richelieu. 

^ Champlain went southward, but up-stream. The Richelieu flows 
northward. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 165 

of fifteen leagues, is very smooth, and bordered with woods, 
like all the other places before named, and of the same sorts. 
There are nine or ten fine islands before reaching the fall 
of the Iroquois, which are a league or a league and a half 
long, and covered with numerous oaks and nut-trees. The 
river is nearly half a league wide in places, and very abun- 
dant in fish. We found in no place less than four feet of 
water. The approach to the fall is a kind of lake,^ where 
the water descends, and which is some three leagues in cir- 
cuit. There are here some meadows, but not inhabited by 
savages on account of the wars. There is very Uttle water at 
the fall, which runs with great rapidity. There are also many 
rocks and stones, so that the savages cannot go up by water, 
although they go down very easily. All this region is very 
level, covered with forests, vines, and nut-trees. No Christians 
had been in this place before us; and we had considerable 
difficulty in ascending the river with oars. 

As soon as we had reached the fall, Des Marais, La Routte, 
and I, with five men, went on shore to see whether we could 
pass this place ; but we went some league and a half without 
seeing any prospect of being able to do so, finding only water 
running with great swiftness, and in all directions many stones, 
very dangerous, and with but Httle water about them. The 
fall is perhaps six hundred paces broad. Finding that it was 
impossible to cut a way through the woods with the small 
number of men that I had, I determined, after consultation 
with the rest, to change my original resolution, formed on the 
assurance of the savages that the roads were easy, but which 
we did not find to be the case, as I have stated. We accord- 
ingly returned to our shallop, where I had left some men as 
guards, and to indicate to the savages upon their arrival that 
we had gone to make explorations along the fall. 

After making what observations I wished in this place, we 
met, on returning, some savages, who had come to reconnoitre, 
as we had done. They told us that all their companions had 

* Chambly Basin, leading to Chambly rapids. 



156 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

arrived at our shallop, where we found them greatly pleased, 
and delighted that we had gone in this manner without a 
guide, aided only by the reports they had several times made 
to us. 

Having returned, and seeing the slight prospect there was 
of passing the fall with our shallop, I was much troubled. 
And it gave me especial dissatisfaction to go back without 
seeing a very large lake, filled with handsome islands, and 
with large tracts of fine land bordering on the lake, where 
their enemies hve according to their representations. After 
duly thinking over the matter, I determined to go and ful- 
fil my promise, and carry out my desire. Accordingly, I 
embarked with the savages in their canoes, taking with me two 
men, who went cheerfully. After making known my plan to 
Des Marais and others in the shallop, I requested the former 
to return to our settlement with the rest of our company, giv- 
ing them the assurance that, in a short time, by God's grace, 
I would return to them. 

I proceeded forthwith to have a conference with the cap- 
tains of the savages, and gave them to understand that they 
had told me the opposite of what my observations found to 
be the case at the fall ; namely, that it was impossible to pass 
it with the shallop, but that this would not prevent me from 
assisting them as I had promised. This communication trou- 
bled them greatly; and they desired to change their deter- 
mination, but I urged them not to do so, telUng them that 
they ought to carry out their first plan, and that I, with two 
others, would go to the war with them in their canoes, in 
order to show them that, as for me, I would not break my 
word given to them, although alone; but that I was unwill- 
ing then to oblige any one of my companions to embark, and 
would only take with me those who had the inchnation to go, 
of whom I had found two. 

They were greatly pleased at what I said to them, and at 
the determination which I had taken, promising, as before, to 
show me fine things. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 157 



Chapter 9 

Departure from the fall of the Iroquois River. Description of 
a large lake. Encounter with the enemy at this lake; 
their manner of attacking the Iroquois, and their be- 
havior in battle. 

I set out accordingly from the fall of the Iroquois River 
on the 2d of July/ AH the savages set to carrying their 
canoes, arms, and baggage overland, some half a league, in 
order to pass by the violence and strength of the fall, which 
was speedily accomphshed. Then they put them all in the 
water again, two men in each with the baggage; and they 
caused one of the men of each canoe to go by land some three 
leagues, the extent of the fall, which is not, however, so violent 
here as at the mouth, except in some places, where rocks ob- 
struct the river, which is not broader than three hundred or 
four hundred paces. After we had passed the fall, which was 
attended with difficulty, all the savages, who had gone by 
land over a good path and level country, although there are 
a great many trees, re-embarked in their canoes. My men 
went also by land; but I went in a canoe. The savages 
made a review of all their followers, finding that there were 
twenty-four canoes, with sixty men. After the review was 
completed, we continued our course to an island,^ three leagues 
long, filled with the finest pines I had ever seen. Here they 
went hunting, and captured some wild animals. Proceeding 
about three leagues farther on, we made a halt, in order to 
rest the coming night. 

They all at once set to work, some to cut wood, and others 
to obtain the bark of trees for covering their cabins, for the 
sake of sheltering themselves, others to fell large trees for 
constructing a barricade on the river-bank around their cab- 
ins, which they do so quickly that in less than two hours so 

^ Read 12th of July. 

* The Island of Ste. Th^r^se (Laverdifere) ; the Isle aux Noix (Slafter). 



158 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

much is accomplished that five hundred of their enemies 
would find it very difficult to dislodge them without kilUng 
large numbers. They make no barricade on the river-bank, 
where their canoes are drawn up, in order that they may be 
able to embark, if occasion requires. After they were estab- 
lished in their cabins, they despatched three canoes, with nine 
good men, according to their custom in all their encampments, 
to reconnoitre for a distance of two or three leagues, to see if 
they can perceive anything, after which they return. They 
rest the entire night, depending upon the observation of these 
scouts, which is a very bad custom among them; for they 
are sometimes while sleeping surprised by their enemies, who 
slaughter them before they have time to get up and prepare 
for defence. Noticing this, I remonstrated with them on the 
mistake they made, and told them that they ought to keep 
watch, as they had seen us do every night, and have men on 
the lookout, in order to hsten and see whether they perceived 
anything, and that they should not live in such a manner Hke 
beasts. They repHed that they could not keep watch, and 
that they worked enough in the day-time in the chase, since, 
when engaged in war, they divide their troops into three 
parts : namely, a part for hunting scattered in several places ; 
another to constitute the main body of their army, which is 
always under arms ; and the third to act as avant-coureurs, to 
look out along the rivers, and observe whether they can see 
any mark or signal showing where their enemies or friends 
have passed. This they ascertain by certain marks which the 
chiefs of different tribes make known to each other ; but, these 
not continuing always the same, they inform themselves from 
time to time of changes, by which means they ascertain 
whether they are enemies or friends who have passed. The 
hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, or avant- 
coureurs, so as not to excite alarm or produce disorder, but in 
the rear and in the direction from which they do not antici- 
pate their enemy. Thus they advance until they are within 
two or three days' march of their enemies, when they proceed 
by night stealthily and all in a body, except the van-couriers. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 159 

By day, they withdraw into the interior of the woods, where 
they rest, without straying off, neither making any noise nor 
any fire, even for the sake of cooking, so as not to be noticed 
in case their enemies should by accident pass by. They make 
no fire, except in smoking, which amounts to ahnost nothing. 
They eat baked Indian meal, which they soak in water, when 
it becomes a land of porridge. They provide themselves with 
such meal to meet their wants, when they are near their ene- 
mies, or when retreating after a charge, in which case they 
are not inclined to hunt, retreating immediately. 

In all their encampments, they have their Pilotois, or 
Ostemoy, a class of persons who play the part of soothsayers, 
in whom these people have faith. One of these builds a cabin, 
surrounds it with small pieces of wood, and covers it with his 
robe : after it is built, he places himseK inside, so as not to be 
seen at all, when he seizes and shakes one of the posts of his 
cabin, muttering some words between his teeth, by which he 
says he invokes the devil, who appears to him in the form of a 
stone, and tells him whether they will meet their enemies and 
kill many of them. This Pilotois lies prostrate on the ground, 
motionless, only speaking with the devil: on a sudden, he 
rises to his feet, talking, and tormenting himself in such a 
manner that, although naked, he is all of a perspiration. All 
the people surround the cabin, seated on their buttocks, hke 
apes. They frequently told me that the shaking of the cabin, 
which I saw, proceeded from the devil, who made it move, 
and not the man inside, although I could see the contrary; 
for, as I have stated above, it was the Pilotois who took one 
of the supports of the cabin, and made it move in this manner. 
They told me also that I should see fire come out from the 
top, which I did not see at all. These rogues counterfeit also 
their voice, so that it is heavy and clear, and speak in a lan- 
guage unknown to the other savages. And, when they repre- 
sent it as broken, the savages think that the devil is speaking, 
and telling them what is to happen in their war, and what 
they must do. 

But all these scapegraces, who play the soothsayer, out of a 



160 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

hundred words do not speak two that are true, and impose 
upon these poor people. There are enough Uke them in the 
world, who take food from the mouths of the people by their 
impostures, as these worthies do. I often remonstrated with 
the people, telUng them that all they did was sheer nonsense, 
and that they ought not to put confidence in them. 

Now, after ascertaining from their soothsayers what is to be 
their fortune, the chiefs take sticks a foot long, and as many 
as there are soldiers. They take others, somewhat larger, to 
indicate the chiefs. Then they go into the wood, and seek out 
a level place, five or six feet square, where the chief, as sergeant- 
major, puts all the sticks in such order as seems to him best. 
Then he calls all his companions, who come all armed; and 
he indicates to them the rank and order they are to observe 
in battle with their enemies. All the savages watch carefully 
this proceeding, observing attentively the outHne which their 
chief has made with the sticks. Then they go away, and 
set to placing themselves in such order as the sticks were in, 
when they mingle with each other, and return again to their 
proper order, which manoeuvre they repeat two or three times, 
and at all their encampments, without needing a sergeant 
to keep them in the proper order, which they are able to 
keep accurately without any confusion. This is their rule 
in war. 

We set out on the next day, continuing our course in the 
river as far as the entrance of the lake. There are many 
pretty islands here, low, and containing very fine woods and 
meadows, with abundance of fowl and such animals of the 
chase as stags, fallow-deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears, and others, 
which go from the main land to these islands. We captured 
a large number of these animals. There are also many 
beavers, not only in this river, but also in numerous other 
Httle ones that flow into it. These regions, although they are 
pleasant, are not inhabited by any savages, on account of 
their wars; but they withdraw as far as possible from 
the rivers into the interior, in order not to be suddenly 
surprised. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 161 

The next day we entered the lake/ which is of great ex- 
tent, say eighty or a hundred leagues long, where I saw four 
fine islands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues long, which 
were formerly inhabited by the savages, Hke the River of the 
Iroquois; but they have been abandoned since the wars of 
the savages with one another prevail. There are also many 
rivers falhng into the lake, bordered by many fine trees of the 
same kinds as those we have in France, with many vines finer 
than any I have seen in any other place ; also many chestnut- 
trees on the border of this lake, which I had not seen before. 
There is also a great abundance of fish, of many varieties; 
among others, one called by the savages of the country Cha- 
ousarou,^ which varies in length, the largest being, as the 
people told me, eight or ten feet long. I saw some five feet 
long, which were as large as my thigh ; the head being as big 
as my two fists, with a snout two feet and a hah long, and a 
double row of very sharp and dangerous teeth. Its body is, 
in shape, much hke that of a pike ; but it is armed with scales 
so strong that a poniard could not pierce them. Its color is 
silver-gray. The extremity of its snout is hke that of swine. 
This fish makes war upon all others in the lakes and rivers. 
It also possesses remarkable dexterity, as these people informed 
me, which is exhibited in the following manner. When it 
wants to capture birds, it swims in among the rushes, or reeds, 
which are found on the banks of the lake in several places, 
where it puts its snout out of water and keeps perfectly still : 
so that, when the birds come and hght on its snout, supposing 
it to be only the stump of a tree, it adroitly closes it, which it 
had kept ajar, and pulls the birds by the feet down under 
water. The savages gave me the head of one of them, of 
which they make great account, saying that, when they have 
the headache, they bleed themselves with the teeth of this 
fish on the spot where they suffer pain, when it suddenly passes 
away. 

* Lake Champlain. The distances are at least threefold overstated 
In 1632 he reduces the length to fifty or sixty leagues, though leaving t^ 
dimensions of the islands unchanged. ' The garpike. 



16^ VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

Continuing our course over this lake on the western side, I 
noticed, while observing the country, some very high moun- 
tains on the eastern side, on the top of which there was snow.^ 
I made inquiry of the savages whether these locahties were 
inhabited, when they told me that the Iroquois dwelt there, 
and that there were beautiful valleys in these places, with 
plains productive in grain, such as I had eaten in this coun- 
try, together with many kinds of fruit without limit. They 
said also that the lake extended near mountains, some twenty- 
five leagues distant from us, as I judge. I saw, on the south, 
other mountains, no less high than the first, but without any 
snow.^ The savages told me that these mountains were 
thickly settled, and that it was there we were to find their 
enemies; but that it was necessary to pass a fall^ in order 
to go there (which I afterwards saw), when we should enter 
another lake,* nine or ten leagues long. After reaching the 
end of the lake, we should have to go, they said, two leagues 
by land, and pass through a river ^ flowing into the sea on the 
Norumbegue coast, near that of Florida, whither it took 
them only two days to go by canoe, as I have since ascertained 
from some prisoners we captured, who gave me minute infor- 
mation in regard to all they had personal knowledge of, through 
some Algonquin inteipreters, who understood the Iroquois 
language. 

Now, as we began to approach within two or three days' 
journey of the abode of their enemies, we advanced only at 
night, resting during the day. But they did not fail to prac- 
tise constantly their accustomed superstitions, in order to as- 
certain what was to be the result of their undertaking ; and 
they often asked me if I had had a dream, and seen their ene- 
mies, to which I replied in the negative. Yet I did not cease 
to encourage them, and inspire in them hope. When 

^ The Green Mountains of Vermont. " Champlain was probably de-; 
ceived as to the snow on their summits in July. What he saw was doubt- 
^^ss white limestone." (Slafter.) 

tL ^ The Adirondacks. ' Ticonderoga. * Lake George, 

g^j * The Hudson, separated only by a small portage from Lake George. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 163 

night came, we set out on the journey until the next day, 
when we withdrew into the interior of the forest, and spent 
the rest of the day there. About ten or eleven o'clock, after 
taking a Httle walk about our encampment, I retired. While 
sleeping, I dreamed that I saw our enemies, the Iroquois, 
drowning in the lake near a mountain, within sight. When 
I expressed a wish to help them, our alUes, the savages, told 
me we must let them all die, and that they were of no impor- 
tance. When I awoke, they did not fail to ask me, as usual, 
if I had had a dream. I told them that I had, in fact, had a 
dream. This, upon being related, gave them so much confi- 
dence that they did not doubt any longer that good was to 
happen to them. 

When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to con- 
tinue our course ; and, as we advanced very quietly and with- 
out making any noise, we met on the 29th of the month the 
Iroquois, about ten o'clock at evening, at the extremity of a 
cape^ which extends into the lake on the western bank. They 
had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all 
getting their arms in readiness. We withdrew out on the 
water, and the Iroquois went on shore, where they drew up 
all their canoes close to each other and began to fell trees 
with poor axes, which they acquire in war sometimes, using 
also others of stone. Thus they barricaded themselves very 
well. 

Our forces also passed the entire night, their canoes being 
drawn up close to each other, and fastened to poles, so that 
they might not get separated, and that they might be all in 
readiness to fight, if occasion required. We were out upon 
the water, within arrow range of their barricades. When 
they were armed and in array, they despatched two canoes by 
themselves to the enemy to inquire if they wished to fight, to 
which the latter rephed that they wanted nothing else: but 
they said that, at present, there was not much fight, and that 
it would be necessary to wait for dayfight, so as to be able to 

* Crown Point (Laverdiere) . The ensuing battle took place at or near 
Ticonderoga. 



164 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

recognize each other; and that, as soon as the sun rose, they 
would offer us battle. This was agreed to by our side. Mean- 
while, the entire night was spent in dancing and singing, 
on both sides, with endless insults and other talk ; as, how Ht- 
tle courage we had, how feeble a resistance we should make 
against their arms, and that, when day came, we should reaUze 
it to our ruin. Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling 
them they would see such execution of arms as never before, 
together with an abimdance of such talk as is not imusual in 
the siege of a town. After this singing, dancing, and bandy- 
ing words on both sides to the fill, when day came, my com- 
panions and myself continued under cover, for fear that the 
enemy would see us. We arranged our arms in the best man- 
ner possible, being, however, separated, each in one of the ca- 
noes of the savage Montagnais. After arming ourselves with 
Hght armor, we each took an arquebuse, and went on shore. 
I saw the enemy go out of their barricade, nearly two hundred 
in number, stout and rugged^ in appearance. They came at 
a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which 
greatly amused^ me, having three chiefs at their head. Our 
men also advanced in the same order, telhng me that those 
who had three large plumes were the chiefs, and that they 
had only these three, and that they could be distinguished by 
these plumes, which were much larger than those of their 
companions, and that I should do what I could to kill them. 
I promised to do all in my power, and said that I was very 
sorry they could not understand me, so that I might give 
order and shape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and 
then we should, without doubt, defeat them all ; but that this 

^ " Robust " would be a better translation. 

^ "Pleased" or "delighted" would be more accurate. "A deliberation 
and gravity that gave him a soldier's content," says H. D. Sedgwick in his 
Champlain (Boston, 1902); "a steadiness which excited the admiration of 
Champlain" (Parkman). The Iroquois owed their strength not so much to 
their ferocity, for they were naturally less warlike than the Algonquins, but 
to their superior discipline. 

This mode of fighting, in close array, shown also in a drawing which in 
the original accompanies this portion of the text, contrasts strongly with that 
which the Indians followed after they became acquainted with fire-arms. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 165 

could not now be obviated, and that I should be very glad to 
show them my courage and good-will when we should engage 
in the fight. 

As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two 
hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not 
having as yet noticed my companions, who went into the 
woods with some savages. Our men began to call me with 
loud cries; and, in order to give me a passage-way, they 
opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched 
some twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within 
about thirty paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me, 
and, halting, gazed at me, as I did also at them. When I saw 
them making a move to fire at us, I rested my musket against 
my cheek, and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs. With 
the same shot, two fell to the ground ; and one of their men was 
so wounded that he died some time after. I had loaded my 
musket with four balls. When our side saw this shot so favor- 
able for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could 
not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew on 
both sides. The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two 
men had been so quickly killed, although they were equipped 
with armor woven from cotton thread, and with wood which 
was proof against their arrows. This caused great alarm among 
them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired 
a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a 
degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage, and 
took to flight, abandoning their camp and fort, and fleeing into 
the woods, whither I pursued them, kilhng still more of them. 
Our savages also killed several of them, and took ten or twelve 
prisoners. The remainder escaped with the wounded. Fif- 
teen or sixteen were wounded on our side with arrow-shots; 
but they were soon healed.^ 

* Champlain has been greatly blamed for thus rousing the fury of the 
Iroquois. But while he probably underestimated their power, he could 
hardly avoid taking part with the Hurons and Algonquins against them, if 
either trade or colonization was to proceed with any security. 

In his autograph letter of 1635 to Richelieu he urges a vigorous Indian 



166 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

After gaining the victory, our men amused themselves by 
taking a great quantity of Indian corn and some meal from 
their enemies, also their armor, which they had left behind 
that they might run better. After feasting sumptuously, 
dancing and singing, we returned three hours after, with 
the prisoners. The spot where this attack took place is in 
latitude 43° and some minutes, and the lake was called Lake 
Champlain. 

Chapter 10 

Return from the battle, and what took place on the way. 

After going some eight leagues, towards evening they took 
one of the prisoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerat- 
ing the cruelties which he and his men had already practised 
towards them without any mercy, and that, in like manner, 
he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They com- 
manded him to sing, if he had courage, which he did; but it 
. was a very sad song. 

Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire ; and, when it was well 
burning, they each took a brand, and burned this poor crea- 
ture gradually, so as to make him suffer greater torment. 
Sometimes they stopped, and threw water on his back. Then 
they tore out his nails, and apphed fire to the extremities of 
his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the 
top of his head,^ and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon 

policy, and promises utterly to crush the Iroquois with one hundred and 
twenty light-armed troops. 

These vigorous measures were not taken, and the Iroquois, supplied with 
fire-arms by the Dutch and English settlers of New York, long harassed the 
French settlements. At the time of the battle, Henry Hudson's ship, the 
Half Moon, was at anchor in Penobscot Bay. The Dutch and English whom 
he represented won a friend unknown to themselves when Champlain routed 
the Iroquois. 

* Scalping was the habit of the Canadian Indians, whereas it was in these 
early days the habit of the Indians of southern New England to behead. 
Friederici, Skalpieren und dhnliche Gehrauche (Braunschweig, 1906), 
pp. 14, 15. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 167 

it ; then they pierced his arms near the wrists, and, drawing up 
the sinews with sticks, they tore them out by force ; but, see- 
ing that they could not get them, they cut them. This poor 
wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to see him 
treated in this manner, and yet showing such firmness that 
one would have said, at times, that he suffered hardly any 
pain at all. I remonstrated with them, saying that we prac- 
tised no such cruelties, but killed them at once; and that, 
if they wished me to fire a musket-shot at him, I should be 
wilhng to do so. They refused, saying that he would not 
in that case suffer any pain. I went away from them, pained 
to see such cruelties as they practised upon his body. When 
they saw that I was displeased, they called me, and told me to 
fire a musket-shot at him. This I did without his seeing it, 
and thus put an end, by a single shot, to all the torments he 
would have suffered, rather than see him tyrannized over. 
After his death, they were not yet satisfied, but opened him, 
and threw his entrails into the lake. Then they cut off his 
head, arms, and legs, which they scattered in different direc- 
tions; keeping the scalp, which they had flayed off, as they 
had done in the case of all the rest whom they had killed in 
the contest. They were guilty also of another monstrosity in 
taking his heart, cutting it into several pieces, and giving it to 
a brother of his to eat, as also to others of his companions, who 
were prisoners : they took it into their mouths, but would not 
swallow it. Some Algonquin savages, who were guarding 
them, made some of them spit it out, when they threw it into 
the water. This is the manner in which these people behave 
towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be 
better to die fighting, or to kill themselves on the spur of the 
moment, as many do, rather than fall into the hands of their 
enemies. After this execution, we set out on our return with 
the rest of the prisoners, who kept singing as they went along, 
with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was 
so wretchedly treated. 

Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algon- 
quins returned to their own country; so also the Ochate- 



168 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

guins, with a part of the prisoners: well satisfied with the 
results of the war, and that I had accompanied them so readily. 
We separated accordingly with loud protestations of mutual 
friendship; and they asked me whether I would not Hke to 
go into their country, to assist them with continued fraternal 
relations; and I promised that I would do so. 

I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myself 
from the prisoners in regard to their country, and of its prob- 
able extent, we packed up the baggage for the return, which 
was accomphshed with such despatch that we went every 
day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which 
was their usual rate of travelhng. When we arrived at the 
mouth of the river Iroquois, some of the savages dreamed 
that their enemies were pursuing them. This dream led 
them to move their camp forthwith, although the night was 
very inclement on account of the wind and rain ; and they went 
and passed the remainder of the night, from fear of their ene- 
mies, amid high reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, 
we arrived at our settlement, where I gave them some bread 
and peas ; also some beads, which they asked me for, in order 
to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpose of 
merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with 
them in their canoes as far as Tadoussac, in order to witness 
their ceremonies. On approaching the shore, they each took 
a stick, to the end of which they hung the heads of their 
enemies, who had been killed, together with some beads, all of 
them singing. When they were through with this, the women 
undressed themselves, so as to be in a state of entire nudity, 
when they jumped into the water, and swam to the prows 
of the canoes to take the heads of their enemies, which were 
on the ends of long poles before their boats : then they hung 
them about their necks, as if it had been some costly chain, 
singing and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they pre- 
sented me with one of these heads, as if it were something 
very precious ; and also with a pair of arms taken from their 
enemies, to keep and show to the king. This, for the sake of 
gratifying them, I promised to do. 



1609] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 169 

After some days, I went to Quebec, whither some Algon- 
quin savages came, expressing their regret at not being pres- 
ent at the defeat of their enemies, and presenting me with 
some furs, in consideration of my having gone there and 
assisted their friends. 

Some days after they had set out for their country, distant 
about a hundred and twenty leagues from our settlement, I 
went to Tadoussac to see whether Pont Grave had returned 
from Gaspe, whither he had gone. He did not arrive until 
the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return 
to France. We concluded to leave an upright man. Captain 
Pierre Chavin of Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur 
de Monts should arrange matters there. 



Chapter 11 

Return to France, and what occurred up to the time of 
re-embarkation. 

After forming this resolution, we went to Quebec to estab- 
Hsh him in authority, and leave him every thing requisite 
and necessary for the settlement, together with fifteen men. 
Every thing being arranged, we set out on the first day of 
September for Tadoussac, in order to fit out our vessel for 
returning to France. 

We set out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th 
of the month, and on the 8th anchored at Isle Percee. On 
Thursday the 10th, we set out from there, and on the 18th, 
the Tuesday following, we arrived at the Grand Bank. On 
the 2d of October, we got soundings. On the 8th, we an- 
chored at Conquet ^ in Lower Brittany. On Saturday the 
10th, we set out from there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th. 

After disembarking, I did not wait long before taking post 
to go to Sieur de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, 

* In the department of Finisterre, thirteen miles west of Brest. 



170 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1609 

where His Majesty was. Here I reported to him in detail all 
that had transpired in regard to the winter quarters and our 
new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of the 
promises of the savages called Ochateguins, who are good 
Iroquois.^ The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more 
to the south. The language of the former does not differ 
much from that of the people recently discovered and hitherto 
unknown to us, which they understand when spoken. 

I at once waited upon His Majesty, and gave him an ac- 
count of my voyage, which afforded him pleasure and satis- 
faction. I had a girdle made of porcupine quills, very well 
worked, after the manner of the country where it was made, 
and which His Majesty thought very pretty. I had also two 
little birds, of the size of blackbirds and of a carnation color ; ^ 
also, the head of a fish caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, 
having a very long snout and two or three rows of very sharp 
teeth. A representation of this fish may be found on the great 
lake, on my geographical map. 

After I had concluded my interview with His Majesty 
Sieur de Monts determined to go to Rouen to meet his asso- 
ciates, the Sieurs Collier and Le Gendre, merchants of Rouen, 
to consider what should be done the coming year. They re- 
solved to continue the settlement, and finish the explorations 
up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the prom- 
ises of the Ochateguins, made on condition that we should 
assist them in their wars, as I had given them to understand. 

Pont Grave was appointed to go to Tadoussac, not only for 
traffic, but to engage in anything else that might reaUze 
means for defraying the expenses. 

Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was 
ordered to see to the purchase of merchandise and supphes, 
the repair of the vessels, obtaining crews, and other things 
necessary for the voyage. 

^ The Ochateguins, called by the French Hurons, from their manner of 
doing their hair (hure=a wild boar's head), were a branch of the Iroquois 
nation, though at this time at deadly feud with them. Their real name was 
Yendots or Wyandots. 

^ The scarlet tanager. 



1610] THE VOYAGES OF 1608-1610 171 

After these matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned 
to Paris, I accompanying him, where I stayed until the end 
of February. During this time, Sieur de Monts endeavored 
to obtain a new commission for trading in the newly discovered 
regions, and where no one had traded before. This he was 
unable to accomplish, although his requests and proposals were 
just and reasonable. 

But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this com- 
mission, he did not cease to prosecute his plan, from his desire 
that every thing might turn out to the profit and honor of 
France. 

During this time, Sieur de Monts did not express to me 
his pleasure in regard to me personally, until I told him it had 
been reported to me that he did not wish to have me winter 
in Canada, which, however, was not true, for he referred the 
whole matter to my pleasure. 

I provided myself with whatever was desirable and neces- 
sary for spending the winter at our settlement in Quebec. 
For this purpose I set out from Paris the last day of February 
following, and proceeded to Honfleur, where the embarkation 
was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I stayed 
two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont 
Grave and Le Gendre, who told me they had embarked what 
was necessary for the settlement. I was very glad to find that 
we were ready to set sail, but uncertain whether the supphes 
were good and adequate for our sojourn and for spending the 
winter. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE 
IN THE YEAR 1610 



THE SECOND ^ VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE 
IN THE YEAR 1610 

Chapter 1 

Departure from France to return to New France, and occur- 
rences until our arrival at the settlement. 

The weather having become favorable, I embarked at Hon- 
fleur with a number of artisans on the 7th of the month of 
March. But, encountering bad weather in the Channel, we 
were obhged to put in on the Enghsh coast at a place called 
Porlan,^ in the roadstead of which we stayed some days, when 
we weighed anchor for the Isle d'Huy,^ near the Enghsh coast, 
since we found the roadstead of Porlan very bad. When near 
this island, so dense a fog arose, that we were obhged to put in 
at the Hougue.* 

Ever since the departure from Honfleur, I had been afflicted 
with a very severe illness, which took away my hopes of being 
able to make the voyage; so that I embarked in a boat to 
return to Havre in France, to be treated there, being very ill 
on board the vessel. My expectation was, on recovering my 
health, to embark again in another vessel, which had not yet 
left Honfleur, in which Des Marais, son-in-law of Pont Grave, 
was to embark; but I had myself carried, still very ill, to 
Honfleur, where the vessel on which I had set out put in on the 
15th of March, for some ballast, which it needed in order to be 
properly trimmed. Here it remained until the 8th of April. 
During this time, I recovered in a great degree ; and, though 
still feeble and weak, I nevertheless embarked again. 

^ The second in which Champlain had had full responsibility. 
2 Portland. ^ The Isle of Wight. 

* A hamlet in the Isle of Wight. 

175 



176 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN" [1610 

We set out anew on the 18th ^ of April, arriving at the 
Grand Bank on the 19th, and sighting the Islands of St. Pierre 
on the 22d. When off Menthane, we met a vessel from St. 
Malo, on which was a young man, who, while drinking to the 
health of Pont Grave, lost control of himself and was thrown 
into the sea by the motion of the vessel and drowned, it being 
impossible to render him assistance on account of the violence 
of the wind. 

On the 26th of the month, we arrived at Tadoussac, where 
there were vessels which had arrived on the 18th, a thing 
which had not been seen for more than sixty years,^ as the 
old mariners said who sail regularly to this country. This 
was owing to the mild winter and the small amount of ice, 
which did not prevent the entrance of these vessels. We 
learned from a young nobleman, named Sieur du Parc,^ who 
had spent the winter at our settlement, that all his compan- 
ions were in good health, only a few having been ill, and 
they but slightly. He also informed us that there had been 
scarcely any winter, and that they had usually had fresh meat 
the entire season, and that their hardest task had been to 
keep up good cheer. 

This winter shows how those undertaking in future such 
enterprises ought to proceed, it being very difficult to make 
a new settlement without labor; and without encountering 
adverse fortune the first year, as has been the case in all our 
first settlements. But, in fact, by avoiding salt food and using 
fresh meat, the health is as good here as in France. 

The savages had been waiting from day to day for us to go 
to the war with them. When they learned that Pont Grave 
and I had arrived together, they rejoiced greatly, and came to 
speak with us. 

* Read 8th. Laverdiere ingeniously suggests that the manuscript read 
le dit huit, changed by the printer to le dix-huit. 

^ The Abb6 Ferland, Cours d'Histoire du Canada, p. 157, points out that 
this implies that for more than sixty years the Basque, Breton, and Norman 
adventurers had pushed their journeys in quest of fish and fur as far as 
Tadoussac. 

* Brother of Des Marais, or Des Marets, previously mentioned. 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE IN 1610 177 

I went on shore to assure them that we would go with 
them, in conformity with the promises they had made me, 
namely, that upon our return from the war they would show 
me the Trois Rivieres, and take me to a sea so large that 
the end of it cannot be seen, whence we should return by 
way of the Saguenay to Tadoussac. I asked them if they 
still had this intention, to which they replied that they had, 
but that it could not be carried out before the next year, 
which pleased ^ me. But I had promised the Algonquins and 
Ochateguins that I would assist them also in their wars, they 
having promised to show me their country, the great lake, 
some copper mines, and other things, which they had indi- 
cated to me. I accordingly had two strings to my bow, so 
that, in case one should break, the other might hold. 

On the 28th of the month, I set out from Tadoussac for 
Quebec, where I found Captain Pierre,^ who commanded 
there, and all his companions in good health. There was 
also a savage captain with them, named Batiscan,^ with some 
of his companions, who were awaiting us, and who were 
greatly pleased at my arrival, singing and dancing the entire 
evening. I provided a banquet for them, which gratified 
them very much. They had a good meal, for which they 
were very thankful, and invited me with seven others to an 
entertainment of theirs, not a small mark of respect with them. 
We each one carried a porringer, according to custom, and 
brought it home full of meat, which we gave to whomsoever 
we pleased. 

Some days after I had set out from Tadoussac, the Mon- 
tagnais arrived at Quebec, to the number of sixty able-bodied 
men, en route for the war. They tarried here some days, 
enjoying themselves, and not omitting to ply me frequently 
with questions, to assure themselves that I would not fail in 

* Read "displeased." Between "du plaisir" and "du d^plaisir" con- 
fusion was easy. 

^ Pierre Chavin. See p. 169. 

^The name is perpetuated in that of a river and a harbor between 
Quebec and Montreal. 

N 



178 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

my promises to them. I assured them, and again made 
promises to them, asking them if they had found me breaking 
my word in the past. They were greatly pleased when I 
renewed my promises to them. 

They said to me : ''Here are numerous Basques and Misti- 
goches" (this is the name they give to the Normans and 
people of St. Malo), ''who say they will go to the war with 
us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the truth?" 
I answered no, and that I knew very well what they really 
meant ; that they said this only to get possession of their com- 
modities. They replied to me : "You have spoken the truth. 
They are women, and want to make war only upon our beavers." 
They went on talking still farther in a facetious mood, and in 
regard to the manner and order of going to the war. 

They determined to set out, and await me at the Trois 
Rivieres, thirty leagues above Quebec, where I had promised 
to join them, together with four barques loaded with mer- 
chandise, in order to traffic in peltries, among others with 
the Ochateguins, who were to await me at the mouth of the 
river of the Iroquois, as they had promised the year before, 
and to bring there as many as four hundred men to go to 
the war. 

Chapter 2 

Departure from Quebec to assist our allied savages in their war 
against the Iroquois, their enemies; and all that trans- 
pired until our return to the settlement. 

I set out from Quebec on the 14th of June, to meet the Mon- 
tagnais, Algonquins, and Ochateguins, who were to be at the 
mouth of the river of the Iroquois. When I was eight leagues 
from Quebec, I met a canoe, containing two savages, one an 
Algonquin, and the other a Montagnais, who entreated me to 
advance as rapidly as possible, saying that the Algonquins and 
Ochateguins would in two days be at the rendezvous, to the 
number of two hundred, with two hundred others to come a 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW EEANCE IN 1610 179 

little later, together with Yroquet, one of their chiefs. They 
asked me if I was satisfied with the coming of these savages. 
I told them I could not be displeased at it, since they had kept 
their word. They came on board my barque, where I gave 
them a good entertainment. Shortly after conferring with 
them about many matters concerning their wars, the Algonquin 
savage, one of their chiefs, drew from a sack a piece of copper 
a foot long, which he gave me. This was very handsome and 
quite pure. He gave me to understand that there were large 
quantities where he had taken this, which was on the bank 
of a river, near a great lake. He said that they gathered it 
in lumps, and, having melted it,^ spread it in sheets, smoothing 
it with stones. I was very glad of this present, although of 
small value. 

Arriving at Trois Rivieres, I found all the Montagnais 
awaiting me, and the four barques as I stated above, which 
had gone to trade with them. 

The savages were delighted to see me, and I went on shore 
to speak with them. They entreated me, together with my 
companions, to embark on their canoes and no others, when 
we went to the war, saying that they were our old friends. 
This I promised them, telling them that I desired to set out 
at once, since the wind was favorable; and that my barque 
was not so swift as their canoes, for which reason I desired to 
go on in advance. They earnestly entreated me to wait until 
the morning of the next day, when we would all go together, 
adding that they would not go faster than I should. Finally, 
to satisfy them, I promised to do this, at which they were 
greatly pleased. 

On the following day, we all set out together, and con- 
tinued our route until the morning of the next day, the 19th 
of the month, when we arrived at an island ^ off the river 
of the Iroquois, and waited for the Algonquins, who were 

^ This, with what Cartier says, Early English and French Voyages, 
p. 72, proves that the Indians had the arts of melting and beating copper, 
though of iron they were ignorant before the coming of the whites. 

^ Isle St. Ignace. 



180 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

to be there the same day. While the Montagnais were felhng 
trees to clear a place for dancing, and for arranging themselves 
for the arrival of the Algonquins, an Algonquin canoe was 
suddenly seen coming in haste, to bring word that the Algon- 
quins had fallen in with a hundred Iroquois, who were strongly 
barricaded, and that it would be difficult to conquer them, 
unless they should come speedily, together with the Mati- 
goches, as they call us. 

The alarm at once sounded among them, and each one got 
into his canoe with his arms. They were quickly in readiness, 
but with confusion ; for they were so precipitate that, instead 
of making haste, they hindered one another. They came to 
our barque and the other^, begging me, together with my com- 
panions, to go with them in their canoes, and they were so 
urgent that I embarked with four others. I requested our 
pilot. La Routte, to stay in the barque, and send me some four 
or five more of my companions, if the other barques would 
send some shallops with men to aid us ; for none of the barques 
were inclined to go with the savages, except Captain Thibaut, 
who, having a barque there, went with me. The savages cried 
out to those who remained, saying that they were woman-hearted, 
and that all they could do was to make war upon their peltry. 

Meanwhile, after going some half a league, all the savages 
crossing the river landed, and, leaving their canoes, took their 
bucklers, bows, arrows, clubs, and swords, which they attach 
to the end of large sticks, and proceeded to make their way in 
the woods, so fast that we soon lost sight of them, they leaving 
us, five in number, without guides. This displeased us ; but, 
keeping their tracks constantly in sight, we followed them, 
although we were often deceived. We went through dense 
woods, and over swamps and marshes, with the water always 
up to our knees, greatly encumbered by a pike-man's corselet, 
with which each one was armed. We were also tormented in 
a grievous and imheard-of manner by quantities of mos- 
quitoes, which were so thick that they scarcely permitted us to 
draw breath. After going about half a league under these 
circumstances, and no longer knowing where we were, we per- 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW EKANCE IN 1610 181 

ceived two savages passing through the woods, to whom we 
called and told them to stay with us, and guide us to the 
whereabouts of the Iroquois, otherwise we could not go 
there, and should get lost in the woods. They stayed to 
guide us. After proceeding a short distance, we saw a savage 
coming in haste to us, to induce us to advance as rapidly as 
possible, giving me to imderstand that the Algonquins and 
Montagnais had tried to force the barricade of the Iroquois 
but had been repulsed, that some of the best men of the Mon- 
tagnais had been killed in the attempt, and several wounded, 
and that they had retired to wait for us, in whom was their 
only hope. We had not gone an eighth of a league with this 
savage, who was an Algonquin captain, before we heard the 
yells and cries on both sides, as they jeered at each other, and 
were skirmishing sHghtly while awaiting us. As soon as the 
savages perceived us, they began to shout, so that one could 
not have heard it thunder. I gave orders to my companions 
to follow me steadily, and not to leave me on any account. 
I approached the barricade of the enemy, in order to recon- 
noitre it. It was constructed of large trees placed one upon 
another, and of a circular shape, the usual form of their for- 
tifications. All the Montagnais and Algonquins approached 
hkewise the barricade. Then we commenced firing numerous 
musket-shots through the brush-wood, since we could not 
see them, as they could us. I was wounded while firing my 
first shot at the side of their barricade by an arrow, which 
pierced the end of my ear and entered my neck. I seized 
the arrow, and tore it from my neck. The end of it was armed 
with a very sharp stone. One of my companions also was 
wounded at the same time in the arm by an arrow, which I 
tore out for him. Yet my wound did not prevent me from 
doing my duty : our savages also, on their part, as well as the 
enemy, did their duty, so that you could see the arrows fly 
on all sides as thick as hail.^ The Iroquois were astonished at 

* If Champlain's drawing may be trusted, the Indians fired high in air, 
that their arrows might come down upon the heads of their enemies. The 
stockade was of course roofless. 



182 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

the noise of our muskets, and especially that the balls pene- 
trated better than their arrows. They were so frightened at 
the effect produced that, seeing several of their companions 
fall wounded and dead, they threw themselves on the ground 
whenever they heard a discharge, supposing that the shots 
were sure. We scarcely ever missed firing two or three balls 
at one shot, resting our muskets most of the time on the side 
of their barricade. But, seeing that our ammunition began 
to fail, I said to all the savages that it was necessary to break 
down their barricades and capture them by storm ; and that, 
in order to accompUsh this, they must take their shields, 
cover themselves with them, and thus approach so near as 
to be able to fasten stout ropes to the posts that supported 
the barricades, and pull them down by main strength, in that 
way making an opening large enough to permit them to enter 
the fort. I told them that we would meanwhile, by our 
musketry-fire, keep off the enemy, as they endeavored to pre- 
vent them from accompUshing this; also that a number 
of them should get behind some large trees, which were near 
the barricade, in order to throw them down upon the enemy, 
and that others should protect these with their shields, in order 
to keep the enemy from injuring them. All this they did 
very promptly. And, as they were about finishing the work, 
the barques, distant a league and a half, hearing the reports 
of our muskets, knew that we were engaged in confhct; and 
a young man from St. Malo, full of courage, Des Prairies by 
name, who hke the rest had come with his barque to engage 
in peltry traffic, said to his companions that it was a great 
shame to let me fight in this way with the savages without 
coming to my assistance ; that for his part he had too high a 
sense of honor to permit him to do so, and that he did not 
wish to expose himself to this reproach. Accordingly, he 
determined to come to me in a shallop with some of his com- 
panions, together with some of mine whom he took with him. 
Immediately upon his arrival, he went towards the fort of 
the Iroquois, situated on the bank of the river. Here he 
landed, and came to find me. Upon seeing him, I ordered 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE IN 1610 183 

our savages who were breaking down the fortress to stop, so 
that the new-comers might have their share of the sport. I 
requested Sieur des Prairies and his companions to fire some 
salvos of musketry, before our savages should carry by storm 
the enemy, as they had decided to do. This they did, each 
one firing several shots, in which all did their duty well. 
After they had fired enough, I addressed myself to our sav- 
ages, urging them to finish the work. Straightway, they 
approached the barricade, as they had previously done, while 
we on the flank were to fire at those who should endeavor 
to keep them from breaking it down. They behaved so well 
and bravely that, with the help of our muskets, they made an 
opening, which, however, was difficult to go through, as there 
was still left a portion as high as a man, there being also 
branches of trees there which had been beaten down, forming 
a serious obstacle. But, when I saw that the entrance was 
quite practicable, I gave orders not to fire any more, which they 
obeyed. At the same instant, some twenty or thirty, both of 
savages and of our own men, entered, sword in hand, with- 
out finding much resistance. Immediately, all who were 
unharmed took to flight. But they did not proceed far; for 
they were brought down by those around the barricade, and 
those who escaped were drowned in the river. We captured 
some fifteen prisoners, the rest being killed by musket-shots, 
arrows, and the sword. When the fight was over, there came 
another shallop, containing some of my companions. This, 
although behind time, was yet in season for the booty, which, 
however, was not of much account. There were only robes 
of beaver-skin, and dead bodies covered with blood, which 
the savages would not take the trouble to plunder, laughing 
at those in the last shallop, who did so ; for the others did not 
engage in such low business. This, then, is the victory ob- 
tained by God's grace, for gaining which they gave us much 
praise. 

The savages scalped the dead, and took the heads as a 
trophy of victory, according to their custom. They returned 
with fifty wounded Montagnais and Algonquins and three dead, 



184 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

singing and leading their prisoners with them. They attached 
to sticks in the prows of their canoes the heads and a dead body 
cut into quarters, to eat in revenge, as they said. In this way 
they went to our barques off the River of the Iroquois. 

My companions and I embarked in a shallop, where I had 
my wound dressed by the surgeon, De Boyer, of Rouen, who 
hkewise had come here for the purpose of traffic. The savages 
spent all this day in dancing and singing. 

The next day, Sieur de Pont Grav6 arrived with another 
shallop, loaded with merchandise. Moreover, there was also 
a barque containing Captain Pierre, which he had left behind, 
it being able to come only with difficulty, as it was rather 
heavy and a poor sailer. 

The same day there was some trading in peltry, but the 
other barques carried off the better part of the booty. It 
was doing them a great favor to search out a strange people 
for them, that they might afterwards carry off the profit 
without any risk or danger. 

That day, I asked the savages for an Iroquois prisoner which 
they had, and they gave him to me. What I did for him was 
not a httle ; for I saved him from many tortures which he must 
have suffered in company with his fellow-prisoners, whose 
nails they tore out, also cutting off their fingers, and burning 
them in several places. They put to death on the same day 
two or three, and, in order to increase their torture, treated 
them in the following manner. 

They took the prisoners to the border of the water, and 
fastened them perfectly upright to a stake. Then each came 
with a torch of birch bark, and burned them, now in this 
place, now in that. The poor wretches, feehng the fire, 
raised so loud a cry that it was something frightful to hear; 
and frightful indeed are the cruelties which these barbarians 
practise towards each other. After making them suffer 
greatly in this manner and burning them with the above- 
mentioned bark, taking some water, they threw it on their 
bodies to increase their suffering. Then they appMed the 
fire anew, so that the skin fell from their bodies, they con- 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FEANCE IN 1610 185 

tinuing to utter loud cries and exclamations, and dancing 
until the poor wretches fell dead on the spot. 

As soon as a body fell to the ground dead, they struck it 
violent blows with sticks, when they cut off the arms, legs, 
and other parts ; and he was not regarded by them as manly, 
who did not cut off a piece of the flesh, and give it to the 
dogs. Such are the courtesies prisoners receive. But still 
they endure all the tortures inflicted upon them with such 
constancy that the spectator is astonished. 

As to the other prisoners, which remained in possession of 
the Algonquins and Montagnais, it was left to their wives 
and daughters to put them to death with their own hands; 
and, in such a matter, they do not show themselves less 
inhuman, than the men, but even surpass them by far in cru- 
elty; for they devise by their cunning more cruel punish- 
ments, in which they take pleasure, putting an end to their 
Hves by the most extreme pains. 

The next day there arrived the Captain Yroquet, also 
another Ochateguin, with some eighty men, who regretted 
greatly not having been present at the defeat. Among all 
these tribes there were present nearly two hundred men, who 
had never before seen Christians, for whom they conceived a 
great admiration. 

We were some three days together on an island off the 
river of the Iroquois, when each tribe returned to its own 
country. 

I had a young lad,^ who had already spent two winters at 
Quebec, and who was desirous of going with the Algonquins 
to learn their language. Pont Grave and I concluded that, 
if he entertained this desire, it would be better to send him 
to this place than elsewhere, that he might ascertain the 
nature of their country, see the great lake, observe the rivers 
and tribes there, and also explore the mines and objects of 
special interest in the locahties occupied by these tribes, in 
order that he might inform us, upon his return, of the facts 

^ Apparently 6tienne Brul^, on whom see C. W. Butterfield, History 
of Brule's Discoveries and Explorations (Cleveland, 1898). 



186 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

of the case. We asked him if it was his desire to go, for I 
did not wish to force him. But he answered the question at 
once by consenting to the journey with great pleasure. 

Going to Captain Yroquet, who was strongly attached to 
me, I asked him if he would Hke to take this young boy to 
his country to spend the winter with him, and bring him 
back in the spring. He promised to do so, and treat him as 
his own son, saying that he was greatly pleased with the idea. 
He communicated the plan to all the Algonquins, who were 
not greatly pleased with it, from fear that some accident might 
happen to the boy, which would cause us to make war upon 
them. This hesitation cooled the desire of Yroquet, who came 
and told me that all his companions failed to find the plan a 
good one. Meanwhile, all the barques had left, excepting that 
of Pont Grave, who, having some pressing business on hand, 
as he told me, went away too. But I stayed with my barque 
to see how the matter of the journey of this boy, which I 
was desirous should take place, would result. I accordingly 
went on shore, and asked to speak with the captains, who 
came to me, and we sat down for a conference, together with 
many other savages of age and distinction in their troops. 
Then I asked them why Captain Yroquet, whom I regarded 
as my friend, had refused to take my boy with him. I said 
that it was not acting hke a brother or friend to refuse me 
what he had promised, and what could result in nothing 
but good to them; taking the boy would be a means of in- 
creasing still more our friendship with them and forming one 
with their neighbors; that their scruples at doing so only 
gave me an unfavorable opinion of them; and that if they 
would not take the boy, as Captain Yroquet had promised, I 
would never have any friendship with them, for they were 
not children to break their promises in this manner. They 
then told me that they were satisfied with the arrangement, 
only they feared that, from change of diet to something worse 
than he had been accustomed to, some harm might happen 
to the boy, which would provoke my displeasure. This they 
said was the only cause of their refusal. 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE IN" 1610 187 

I replied that the boy would be able to adapt himseK with- 
out difficulty to their manner of Hving and usual food, and 
that, if through sickness or the fortunes of war any harm 
should befall him, this would not interrupt my friendly feel- 
ings toward them, and that we were all exposed to accidents, 
which we must submit to with patience. But I said that if 
they treated him badly, and if any misfortune happened to 
him through their fault, I should in truth be displeased, 
which, however, I did not expect from them, but quite the 
contrary. 

They said to me: ''Since, then, this is your desire, we will 
take him, and treat him Hke ourselves. But you shall also 
take a young man in his place, to go to France. We shall 
be greatly pleased to hear him report the fine things he shall 
have seen." I accepted with pleasure the proposition, and took 
the young man. He belonged to the tribe of the Ochate- 
guins, and was also glad to go with me. This presented an 
additional motive for treating my boy still better than they 
might otherwise have done. I fitted him out with what he 
needed, and we made a mutual promise to meet at the end of 
June. 

We parted with many promises of friendship. Then they 
went away towards the great fall of the River of Canada, 
while I returned to Quebec. On my way, I met Pont Grave 
on Lake St. Peter, who was waiting for me with a large patache, 
which he had fallen in with on this lake, and which had not 
been expeditious enough to reach the place where the savages 
were, on account of its poor sailing quahties. 

We all returned together to Quebec, when Pont Grave 
went to Tadoussac, to arrange some matters pertaining to our 
quarters there. But I stayed at Quebec to see to the recon- 
struction of some paHsades about our abode, until Pont Grave 
should return, when we could confer together as to what was 
to be done. 

On the 4th of June,^ Des Marais arrived at Quebec, greatly 

» Read 4th of July. 



188 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

to our joy; for we were afraid that some accident had hap- 
pened to him at sea. 

Some days after, an Iroquois prisoner, whom I had kept 
guarded, got away in consequence of my giving him too much 
liberty, and made his escape, urged to do so by fear, not- 
withstanding the assurances given him by a woman of his 
tribe we had at our settlement. 

A few days after, Pont Grav^ wrote me that he was 
thinking of passing the winter at the settlement, being moved 
to do so by many considerations. I rephed that, if he 
expected to fare better than I had done in the past, he would 
do well. 

He accordingly hastened to provide himself with the sup- 
pHes necessary for the settlement. 

After I had finished the paHsade about our habitation, and 
put every thing in order. Captain Pierre returned in a barque 
in which he had gone to Tadoussac to see his friends. I also 
went there to ascertain what would result from the second 
trading, and to attend to some other special business which I 
had there. Upon my arrival, I found there Pont Grave, who 
stated to me in detail his plans, and the reasons inducing him 
to spend the winter. I told him frankly what I thought of 
the matter ; namely, that I believed he would not derive much 
profit from it, according to the appearances that were plainly 
to be seen. 

He determined accordingly to change his plan, and de- 
spatched a barque with orders for Captain Pierre to return 
from Quebec on account of some business he had with him; 
with the intelhgence also that some vessels, which had arrived 
from Brouage, brought the news that Monsieur de Saint Luc * 
had come by post from Paris, expelled those of the rehgion ^ 
from Brouage, re-enforced the garrison with soldiers, and 
then returned to Court ; that the king had been killed,^ and 



^ Son of a former governor of Brouage, Champlain's birthplace. 

' I.e., the Huguenots. 

' Henry IV. was assassinated on May 14, 1610. 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE IN 1610 189 

two or three days after him the Duke of Sully/ together with 
two other lords, whose names they did not know. 

All these tidings gave great sorrow to the true French in 
these quarters. As for myself, it was hard for me to beheve 
it, on accoimt of the different reports about the matter, and 
which had not much appearance of truth. Still, I was greatly 
troubled at hearing such mournful news. 

Now, after having stayed three or four days longer at 
Tadoussac, I saw the loss which many merchants must suffer, 
who had taken on board a large quantity of merchandise, 
and fitted out a great number of vessels, in expectation of 
doing a good business in the fur-trade, which was so poor on 
account of the great number of vessels, that many will for a 
long time remember the loss which they suffered this year. 

Sieur de Pont Grave and I embarked, each of us in a 
barque, leaving Captain Pierre on the vessel. We took Du 
Pare to Quebec, where we finished what remained to be 
done at the settlement. After every thing was in good con- 
dition, we resolved that Du Pare, who had wintered there 
with Captain Pierre, should remain again, and that Captain 
Pierre should return to France with us, on account of some 
business that called him there. 

We accordingly left Du Pare in command there, with six- 
teen men, all of whom we enjoined to five soberly, and in the 
fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to 
the authority of Du Pare, who was left as their chief and 
commander, just as if one of us had remained. This they 
all promised to do, and to five in peace with each other. 

As to the gardens, we left them all well supphed with 
kitchen vegetables of all sorts, together with fine Indian 
com, wheat, rye, and barley, which had been already planted. 
There were also vines which I had set out when I spent the 
winter there, but these they made no attempt to preserve; 
for, upon my return, I found them all in ruins, and I was 

>The report of Sully's death was unfovinded; but his power was 
broken, and he hved in retirement till his death in 1641. 



190 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

greatly displeased that they had given so little attention to 
the preservation of so fine and good a plot, from which I 
had anticipated a favorable result. 

After seeing that every thing was in good order, we set 
out from Quebec on the 8th of August for Tadoussac, in order 
to prepare our vessel, which was speedily done. 



Chapter 3 

Return to France. Meeting a whale; the mode of capturing 

them. 

On the 13th of the month, we set out from Tadoussac, 
arriving at lie Percee the next day, where we found a large 
number of vessels engaged in the fishery, dry and green. 

On the 18th of the month, we departed from lie Percee, 
passing in latitude 42°, without sighting the Grand Bank, 
where the green fishery is carried on, as it is too narrow at this 
altitude. 

When we were about half way across, we encountered a 
whale, which was asleep. The vessel, passing over him, awak- 
ening him betimes, made a great hole in him near the tail, 
without damaging our vessel ; but he threw out an abundance 
of blood. 

It has seemed to me not out of place to give here a brief 
description of the mode of catching whales, which many 
have not witnessed, and suppose that they are shot, owing to 
the false assertions about the matter made to them in their 
ignorance by impostors, and on account of which such ideas 
have often been obstinately maintained in my presence. 

Those, then, most skilful in this fishery are the Basques, 
who, for the purpose of engaging in it, take their vessels to a 
place of security, and near where they think whales are plenty. 
Then they equip several shallops manned by competent men 
and provided with hawsers, small ropes made of the best 
hemp to be found, at least a hundred and fifty fathoms long. 



1610] THE VOYAGE TO NEW FRANCE IN 1610 191 

They are also provided with many halberds of the length of 
a short pike, whose iron is six inches broad; others are from 
a foot and a half to two feet long, and very sharp. Each 
shallop has a harpooner, the most agile and adroit man they 
have, whose pay is next highest to that of the masters, his 
position being the most dangerous one. This shallop being 
outside of the port, the men look in all quarters for a whale, 
tacking about in all directions. But, if they see nothing, 
they return to the shore, and ascend the highest point they 
can find, and from which they can get the most extensive 
view. Here they station a man on the look-out. They are 
aided in catching sight of a whale both by his size and the 
water he spouts through his blow-holes, which is more than 
a puncheon at a time, and two lances high. From the amount 
of this water, they estimate how much oil he will yield. From 
some they get as many as one hundred and twenty puncheons, 
from others less. Having caught sight of this monstrous 
fish, they hasten to embark in their shallops, and by rowing 
or saihng they advance until they are upon him. 

Seeing him under water, the harpooner goes at once to 
the prow of the shallop with his harpoon, an iron two feet 
long and half a foot wide at the lower part, and attached to 
a stick as long as a small pike, in the middle of which is a 
hole to which the hawser is made fast. The harpooner, 
watching his time, throws his harpoon at the whale, which 
enters him well forward. As soon as he finds himself wounded, 
the whale goes down. And if by chance turning about, as he 
does sometimes, his tail strikes the shallop, it breaks it hke 
glass. This is the only risk they run of being killed in har- 
pooning. As soon as they have thrown the harpoon into him, 
they let the hawser run until the whale reaches the bottom. 
But sometimes he does not go straight to the bottom, when 
he drags the shallop eight or nine leagues or more, going as 
swiftly as a horse. Very often they are obliged to cut their 
hawser, for fear that the whale will take them under water. 
But, when he goes straight to the bottom, he rests there awhile, 
and then returns quietly to the surface, the men taking aboard 



192 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1610 

again the hawser as he rises. When he comes to the top, two 
or three shallops are stationed around with halberds, with which 
they give him several blows. Finding himself struck, the 
whale goes down again, leaving a trail of blood, and grows weak 
to such an extent that he has no longer any strength nor energy, 
and returning to the surface is finally killed. When dead, he 
does not go down again: fastening stout ropes to him, they 
drag him ashore to their head-quarters, the place where they 
try out the fat of the whale, to obtain his oil. This is the way 
whales are taken, and not by cannon-shots, which many sup- 
pose, as I have stated above. 

To resume the thread of my narrative : after wounding the 
whale, as mentioned, we captured a great many porpoises, 
which our mate harpooned to our pleasure and amusement. 
We also caught a great many fish having a large ear, with a 
hook and fine, attaching to the hook a httle fish resembhng 
a herring, and letting it trail behind the vessel. The large ear,^ 
thinking it in fact a Uving fish, comes up to swallow it, thus 
finding himself at once caught by the hook, which is con- 
cealed in the body of the httle fish. This fish is very good, 
and has certains tufts which are very handsome, and resemble 
those worn on plumes. 

On the 22d of September, we arrived on soundings. Here 
we saw twenty vessels some four leagues to the west of us, 
which, as they appeared from our vessel, we judged to be 
Flemish. 

On the 25th of the month, we sighted the Isle de Grenez^,^ 
after experiencing a strong blow, which lasted until noon. 

On the 27th of the month, we arrived at Honfleur. 

» Mackerel. ' Guernsey, 



THIRD VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN 
IN THE YEAR i6ii 



THIRD VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN 
IN THE YEAR 1611 

Chapter 1 

Departure from France to return to New France. The dangers 
and other events which occurred up to the time of arrival 
at the settlement. 

We set out from Honfleur on the first day of March. The 
wind was favorable until the eighth, when we were opposed 
by a wind south-southwest and west-northwest, driving us as 
far as latitude 42°, without our being able to make a southing, 
so as to sail straight forward on our course. Accordingly after 
encountering several heavy winds, and being kept back by 
bad weather, we nevertheless, through great difficulty and 
hardship, and by saihng on different tacks, succeeded in arriving 
within eighty leagues of the Grand Bank, where the fresh ^ 
fishery is carried on. Here we encountered ice thirty or 
forty fathoms high, or more, which led us to consider what 
course we ought to take, fearing that we might fall in with 
more during the night, or that the wind changing would drive 
us on to it. We also concluded that this would not be the last, 
since we had set out from France too early in the season. We 
sailed accordingly during that day with short sail, as near 
the wind as we could. When night came, the fog arose so thick 
and obscure that we could scarcely see the ship's length. 
About eleven o'clock at night, more ice was seen, which alarmed 

' Or rather, " green fishing." This was the fishing carried on on the 
banks by vessels remaining at sea for several months, and was distinguished 
from the "dry fishing" carried on from the shore in small boats, which 
returned toward nightfall, and exposed their catch to be dried by the sun 
and wind. See Lescarbot, ed. 1609, p. 823. 

195 



196 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

us. But through the energy of the sailors we avoided it. 
Supposing that we had passed all danger, we met with still 
more ice, which the sailors saw ahead of our vessel, but not 
until we were almost upon it. When all had committed 
themselves to God, having given up all hope of avoiding colli- 
sion with this ice, which was already under our bowsprit, 
they cried to the helmsman to bear off; and this ice, which 
was very extensive, drove in such a manner that it passed by 
without striking our vessel, which stopped short, and remained 
as still as if it had never moved, to let it pass. Although 
the danger was over, our blood was not so quickly cooled, so 
great had been our fear, and we praised God for dehvering 
us from so imminent a peril. This experience being over, 
we passed the same night two or three other masses of ice, not 
less dangerous than the former ones. There was at the same 
time a dripping fog, and it was so cold that we could scarcely 
get warm. The next day we met several other large and very 
high masses of ice, which, in the distance, looked Hke islands. 
We, however, avoided them all, and reached the Grand Bank, 
where we were detained by bad weather for the space of six 
days. The wind growing a httle milder, and very favorable, 
we left the banks in latitude 44° 30', which was the farthest 
south we could go. After sailing some sixty leagues west- 
northwest, we saw a vessel coming down to make us out, but 
which afterwards bore off to the east-northeast, to avoid a 
large bank of ice, which covered the entire extent of our Une 
of vision. Concluding that there was a passage through the 
middle of this great floe, which was divided into two parts, 
we entered, in pursuance of our course, between the two, and 
sailed some ten leagues without seeing anything contrary to 
our conjecture of a fine passage through, until evening, when 
we found the floe closed up. This gave us much anxiety as 
to what was to be done, the night being at hand and there being 
no moon, which deprived us of all means of returning to the 
point whence we had come. Yet, after due dehberation, it 
was resolved to try to find again the entrance by which we had 
come, which we set about accompHshing. But the night 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 197 

coming on with fog, rain, snow, and a wind so violent that we 
could scarcely carry our mainsail, every trace of our way was 
lost. For, as we were expecting to avoid the ice so as to pass 
out, the wind had already closed up the passage, so that we 
were obhged to return to the other tack. We were unable to 
remain longer than a quarter of an hour on one tack before 
taking another, in order to avoid the numerous masses of ice 
drifting about on all sides. We thought more than twenty 
times that we should never escape with our Uves. The entire 
night was spent amid difficulties and hardships. Never was 
the watch better kept, for nobody wished to rest, but to strive 
to escape from the ice and danger. The cold was so great, that 
all the ropes of the vessel were so frozen and covered with large 
icicles that the men could not work her nor stick to the deck. 
Thus we ran, on this tack and that, awaiting with hope the 
dayhght. But when it came, attended by a fog, and we saw 
that our labor and hardship could not avail us anything, we 
determined to go to a mass of ice, where we should be sheltered 
from the violent wind which was blowing ; to haul everything 
down, and allow ourselves to be driven along with the ice, so 
that when at some distance from the rest of the ice we could 
make sail again, and go back to the above-mentioned bank 
and manage as before, until the fog should pass away, when 
we might go out as quickly as possible. Thus we continued the 
entire day until the morning of the next day, when we set 
sail, now on this tack now on that, finding ourselves every- 
where enclosed amid large floes of ice, as if in lakes on the main- 
land. At evening we sighted a vessel on the other side of one 
of these banks of ice, which, I am sure, was in no less anxiety 
than ourselves. Thus we remained four or five days, exposed 
to these risks and extreme hardships, until one morning on 
looking out in all directions, although we could see no opening, 
yet in one place it seemed as if the ice was not thick, and that 
we could easily pass through. We got under way, and passed 
by a large number of hourguignons ; that is, pieces of ice sepa- 
rated from the large banks by the violence of the winds . Having 
reached this bank of ice, the sailors proceeded to provide them- 



198 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

selves with large oars and pieces of wood, in order to keep off 
the blocks of ice we met. In this way we passed this bank, 
but not without touching some pieces of ice, which did no 
good to our vessel, although they inflicted no essential damage. 
Being outside, we praised God for our deliverance. Continuing 
our course on the next day, we encountered other pieces, in 
which we became so involved that we found ourselves sur- 
rounded on all sides, except where we had entered. It was 
accordingly necessary to turn back, and endeavor to double 
the southern point. This we did not succeed in doing until 
the second day, passing by several small pieces of ice, which 
had been separated from the main bank. This latter was in 
latitude 44° 30'. We sailed until the morning of the next 
day, towards the northwest, north-northwest, when we met 
another large ice bank, extending as far as we could see east 
and west. This, in the distance, seemed like land, for it was 
so level that it might properly be said to have been made so 
on purpose. It was more than eighteen feet high, extending 
twice as far under water. We calculated that we were only 
some fifteen leagues from Cape Breton, it being the 26th day 
of the month. These numerous encounters with ice troubled 
us greatly. We were also fearful that the passage ^ between 
Capes Breton and Raye would be closed, and that we should 
be obhged to keep out to sea a long time before being able 
to enter. Unable to do anything else, we were obliged to 
run out to sea again some four or five leagues, in order to 
double another point of the above-mentioned grand ice bank, 
which continued on our west-southwest. After turning on 
the other tack to the northwest, in order to double this point, 
we sailed some seven leagues, and then steered to the north- 
northwest some three leagues, when we observed another 
ice bank. The night approached, and the fog came on so 
that we put to sea to pass the remainder of the night, purposing 
at daybreak to return and reconnoitre the last mentioned ice. 
On the twenty-seventh day of the month, we sighted land 

* The Cabot Struit. Though not freezing over like the Strait of Belle- 
Isle, it is sometime" blocked by drift ice in spring for a fortnight or more. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OE 1611 199 

west-northwest of us, seeing no ice on the north-northeast. 
We approached nearer for the sake of a better observation, 
and found that it was Canseau. This led us to bear off to 
the north for Cape Breton Island ; but we had scarcely sailed 
two leagues when we encountered an ice bank on the north- 
east. Night coming on, we were obhged to put out to sea until 
the next day, when we sailed northeast, and encountered more 
ice, bearing east, east-southeast from us, along which we coasted 
heading northeast and north for more than fifteen leagues. 
At last we were obliged to sail towards the west, greatly to our 
regret, inasmuch as we could find no passage, and should be 
obhged to withdraw and sail back on our track. Unfortunately 
for us we were overtaken by a calm, so that it seemed as if the 
swell of the sea would throw us upon theicebank just mentioned, 
and we got ready to launch our httle boat, to use in case of 
necessity. If we had taken refuge on the above-mentioned 
ice it would only have been to languish and die in misery. 
While we were dehberating whether to launch our boat, a 
fresh breeze arose to our great delight, and thus we escaped 
from the ice. After we had sailed two leagues, night came on, 
with a very thick fog, causing us to haul down our sail, as we 
could not see, and as there were several large pieces of ice in our 
way, which we were afraid of striking. Thus we remained the 
entire night until the next day, which was the twenty-ninth, 
when the fog increased to such an extent that we could scarcely 
see the length of the vessel. There was also very httle wind. 
Yet we did not fail to set sail, in order to avoid the ice. But, 
although expecting to extricate ourselves, we found ourselves 
so involved in it that we could not tell on which side to tack. 
We were accordingly again compelled to lower sail, and drift 
until the ice should allow us to make sail. We made a hun- 
dred tacks on one side and the other, several times fearing 
that we were lost. The most self-possessed would have lost 
all judgment in such a juncture ; even the greatest navigator 
in the world. What alarmed us still more was the short dis- 
tance we could see, and the fact that the night was coming on, 
and that we could not make a shift of a quarter of a league 



200 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLADT [1611 

without finding a bank or some ice, and a great deal of floating 
ice, the smallest piece of which would have been sufficient 
to cause the loss of any vessel whatever. Now, while we were 
still sailing along amid the ice, there arose so strong a wind 
that in a short time the fog broke away, affording us a view, 
and suddenly giving us a clear air and fair sim. Looking 
around about us, we found that we were shut up in a little 
lake, not so much as a league and a half in circuit. On the 
north we perceived the island of Cape Breton, nearly four 
leagues distant, and it seemed to us that the passage-way to 
Cape Breton was still closed. We also saw a small ice bank 
astern of our vessel, and the ocean beyond that, which led 
us to resolve to go beyond the bank, which was divided. This 
we succeeded in accompHshing without striking our vessel, 
putting out to sea for the night, and passing to the southeast 
of the ice. Thinking now that we could double this ice bank, 
we sailed east-northeast some fifteen leagues, perceiving only 
a little piece of ice. At night we hauled down the sail until 
the next day, when we perceived another ice bank to the north 
of us, extending as far as we could see. We had drifted to 
within nearly half a league of it, when we hoisted sail, continuing 
to coast along this ice in order to find the end of it. While 
sailing along, we sighted on the first day of May a vessel amid 
the ice, which, as well as ourselves, had found it difficult to 
escape from it. We backed our sails in order to await the for- 
mer, which came full upon us, since we were desirous of as- 
certaining whether it had seen other ice. On its approach 
we saw that it was the son^ of Sieiu* de Poutrincourt, on his 
way to visit his father at the settlement of Port Royal. He 
had left France three months before, not without much reluc- 
tance, I think, and still they were nearly a hundred and forty 
leagues from Port Royal, and well out of their true course. 
We told them we had sighted the islands of Canseau, much to 

* Charles de Biencourt, Sieur de Saint Just, was closely associated 
with his father, Sieur de Poutrincourt (see p. 32) in his work at Port Royal, 
and after his father's death endeavored unsuccessfully to carry it on. He 
died about 1623. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 201 

their satisfaction, I think, as they had not as yet sighted any 
land, and were steering straight between Cape St. Lawrence and 
Cape Raye, in which direction they would not have found 
Port Royal, except by going overland. After a brief confer- 
ence with each other, we separated, each following his own 
course. The next day we sighted the islands of St. Pierre, 
finding no ice. Continuing our course we sighted on the fol- 
lowing day, the third of the month. Cape Raye, also without 
finding ice. On the fourth we sighted the island of St. Paul, 
and Cape St. Lawrence,^ being some eight leagues north of 
the latter. The next day we sighted Gaspe. On the seventh 
we were opposed by a northwest wind, which drove us out of 
our course nearly thirty-five leagues, when the wind lulled, 
and was in our favor as far as Tadoussac, which we reached 
on the 13th of May. Here we discharged a cannon to notify 
the savages, in order to obtain news from our settlement at 
Quebec. The country was still almost entirely covered with 
snow. There came out to us some canoes, informing us that 
one of our pataches had been in the harbor for a month, and 
that three vessels had arrived eight days before. We lowered 
our boat and visited these savages, who were in a very miserable 
condition, having only a few articles to barter to satisfy their 
immediate wants. Besides, they desired to wait until several 
vessels should meet, so that there might be a better market 
for their merchandise. Therefore they are mistaken who 
expect to gain an advantage by coming first, for these people 
are very sagacious and cunning. 

On the 17th of the month I set out from Tadoussac for the 
great Fall,^ to meet the Algonquin savages and other tribes, 
who had promised the year before to go there with my man, 
whom I had sent to them, that I might learn from him what 
he might see during the winter. Those at this harbor who sus- 
pected where I was going, in accordance with the promises 
which I had made to the savages, as stated above, began to 
build several small barques, that they might follow me as soon 

* The northernmost point of Cape Breton. 
2 The Lachine Rapids, above Montreal. 



202 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

as possible. And several, as I learned before setting out from 
France, had some ships and pataches fitted out in view of our 
voyage, hoping to return rich, as from a voyage to the Indies. 
Pont Grave remained at Tadoussac, expecting, if he did 
nothing there, to take a patache and meet me at the fall. 
Between Tadoussac and Quebec our barque made much 
water, which obliged me to stop at Quebec and repair the leak. 
This was on the 21st of May. 

Chapter 2 

Landing at Quebec to repair the barque. Departure from 
Quebec for the Fall, to meet the savages, and search out 
a place appropriate for a settlement. 

On going ashore I found Sieur du Pare, who had spent 
the winter at the settlement. He and all his companions 
were very well, and had not suffered any sickness. Game, both 
large and small, had been abundant during the entire winter, 
as they told me. I found there the Indian captain, named 
Batiscan, and some Algonquins, who said they were waiting 
for me, being unwilhng to return to Tadoussac without seeing 
me. I proposed to them to take one of our company to the 
Trois Rivieres to explore the place, but being unable to obtain 
anything from them this year I put it off until the next. Still 
I did not fail to inform myself particularly regarding the origin 
of the people living there, of which they told me with exactness. 
I asked them for one of their canoes, which they were unwilhng 
to part with on any terms, because of their own need of it. 
For I had planned to send two or three men to explore the 
neighborhood of the Trois Rivieres, and ascertain what there 
was there. This, to my great regret, I was unable to accom- 
plish, and postponed the project to the first opportunity that 
might present itseK. 

Meanwhile I urged on the repairs to our barque. When it 
was ready, a young man from La Rochelle, named Tresart, 
asked me to permit him to accompany me to the above-men- 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 203 

tioned fall. This I refused, replying that I had special plans 
of my own, and that I did not wish to conduct any one to my 
prejudice, adding that there were other companies than mine 
there, and that I did not care to open up a way and serve as 
a guide, and that he could make the voyage well enough alone 
and without my help. 

The same day I set out from Quebec, and arrived at the 
great fall on the twenty-eighth of May. But I found none of 
the savages who had promised me to be there on this day. I 
entered at once a poor canoe, together with the savage I had 
taken to France and one of my own men. After examining 
the two shores, both in the woods and on the river bank, in 
order to find a spot favorable for the location of a settlement, 
and to get a place ready for building, I went some eight leagues 
by land along the great fall and through the woods, which are 
very open, as far as a lake,* whither our savage conducted 
me. Here I observed the country very carefully. But in 
all that I saw, I found no place more favorable than a little 
spot to which barques and shallops can easily ascend, with 
the help of a strong wind or by taking a winding course, in 
consequence of the strong current. But above this place, 
which we name La Place Royale, at the distance of a league 
from Mont Royal, there are a great many httle rocks and 
shoals, which are very dangerous. Near Place Royale there 
is a httle river, ^ extending some distance into the interior, along 
the entire length of which there are more than sixty acres of 
land cleared up and like meadows, where grain can be sown 
and gardens made. Formerly savages tilled these lands, but 
they abandoned them on account of their wars, in which they 
were constantly engaged.^ There is also a large number of 
other fine pastures, where any number of cattle can graze. 
There are also the various kinds of trees found in France, 

* The Lake of Two Mountains. 

' The Riviere St. Pierre, now lost in the sewerage of the city of Montreal. 

' In 1535 Jacques Cartier had found on the spot a flourishing Indian 
village known as Hochelaga. The inhabitants were probably Iroquois. 
See Early English and French Voyages, pp. 57-63, and Laverdi^re, III., 
p. 243, note 2. 



204 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

together with many vines, nut and plum trees, cherries, straw- 
berries, and other kinds of good fruit. Among the rest there 
is a very excellent one, with a sweet taste like that of plan- 
tains, a fruit of the Indies, as white as snow, with a leaf re- 
sembhng that of nettles, and which creeps up the trees and 
along the ground like ivy. Fish are very abundant, including 
all the varieties we have in France, and many very good ones 
which we do not have. Game is also plenty, the birds being 
of various kinds. There are stags, hinds, does, caribous, 
rabbits, lynxes, bears, beavers, also other small animals, and 
all in such large numbers, that while we were at the fall we 
were abundantly suppHed with them. 

After a careful examination, we found this place one of 
the finest on this river. I accordingly forthwith gave orders 
to cut down and clear up the woods in the Place Royale,^ 
so as to level it and prepare it for building. The water can 
easily be made to flow around it, making of it a httle island, 
so that a habitation can be formed as one may wish. 

There is a little island some twenty fathoms from Place 
Royale, about a hundred paces long, where a good and strong 
settlement might be made. There are also many meadows, 
containing very good and rich potter's clay, as well adapted 
for brick as for building purposes, and consequently a very 
useful article. I had a portion of it worked up, from which 
I made a wall four feet thick, three or four high, and ten 
fathoms long, to see how it would stand during the winter, 
when the freshets came down, although I thought the water 
would not reach up to it, the ground there being twelve feet 
above the river, which was very high. In the middle of the 
river there was an island about three-quarters of a league 
around, where a good and strong town could be built. This 
we named Isle de Sainte Helene.^ This river at the fall is 



* Now Pointe k Calli^res. "It is the centre of the present city of Mon- 
treal. The Custom House now stands upon the site he chose, and the Mon- 
treal ocean steamships discharge their cargoes there." Dawson, The St. 
Lavjrence, p. 262. 

2 After his wife, H61§ne Boull6 (see Introduction). It is still so called. 



1611] 



THE VOYAGE OF 1611 205 



like a lake, containing two or three islands, and bordered by 
fine meadows. 

On the first day of June, Pont Grave arrived at the fall, 
having been unable to accomphsh anjrthing at Tadoussac. 
A numerous company attended and followed after him to 
share in the booty, without the hope of which they would have 
been far in the rear. 

Now, while awaiting the savages, I had two gardens made, 
one in the meadows, the other in the woods, which I had cleared 
up. On the 2d of June I sowed some seeds, all of which came 
up finely, and in a short time, attesting the good quahty of 
the soil. 

We resolved to send Savignon, our savage, together with 
another, to meet his countrymen, so as to hasten their ar- 
rival. They hesitated about going in our canoe, of which 
they were distrustful, it being a very poor one. They set out 
on the 5th. The next day four or five barques arrived as 
an escort for us, since they could do nothing at Tadoussac. 

On the 7th I went to explore a Httle river,^ along which 
the savages sometimes go to war, and which flows into the 
fall of the river of the Iroquois. It is very pleasant, with 
meadow land more than three leagues in circuit, and much 
arable land. It is distant a league from the great fall, and a 
league and a haK from Place Royale. 

On the 9th our savage arrived. He had gone somewhat 
beyond the lake, which is ten leagues long, and which I had 
seen before. But he met no one, and they were unable to 
go any farther, as their canoe gave out, which obHged them 
to return. They reported that after passing the fall they saw 
an island, where there was such a quantity of herons that the 
air was completely filled with them. There was a young man 
belonging to Sieur de Monts named Louis, who was very fond 
of the chase. Hearing this, he wished to go and satisfy his 
curiosity, earnestly entreating our savage to take him to the 
place. To this the savage consented, taking also a captain 

* The River St. Lambert, whence a short portage leads to Little River, 
which flows into the basin of Chambly. (Laverdi^re.) 



206 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

of the Montagnais, a very respectable person, whose name 
was Outetoucos. On the following morning Louis caused the 
two savages to be called, and went with them in a canoe to 
the island of the herons. This island is in the middle of the 
Fall. Here they captured as many herons and other birds 
as they wanted, and embarked again in their canoe. Oute- 
toucos, contrary to the wish of the other savage, and against 
his remonstrances, desired to pass through a very dangerous 
place, where the water fell more than three feet, saying that 
he had formerly gone this way, which, however, was false. 
He had a long discussion in opposition to our savage, who 
wished to take him on the south side, along the mainland, 
where they usually go. This, however, Outetoucos did not 
wish, saying that there was no danger. Our savage finding 
him obstinate yielded to his desire. But he insisted that at 
least a part of the birds in the canoe should be taken out, 
as it was overloaded, otherwise he said it would inevitably 
fill and be lost. But to this he would not consent, saying that 
it would be time enough when they found themselves in the 
presence of danger. They accordingly permitted themselves 
to be carried along by the current. But when they reached 
the precipice, they wanted to throw overboard their load in 
order to escape. It was now, however, too late, for they 
were completely in the power of the rapid water, and were 
straightway swallowed up in the whirlpools of the fall, which 
turned them round a thousand times. For a long time they 
clung to the boat. Finally the swiftness of the water wearied 
them so that this poor Louis, who could not swim at all, entirely 
lost his presence of mind, and, the canoe going down, he was 
obhged to abandon it. As it returned to the surface, the two 
others, who kept holding on to it, saw Louis no more, and thus 
he died a sad death. The two others continued to hold on to 
the canoe. When, however, they were out of danger, this 
Outetoucos, being naked and having confidence in his swimming 
powers, abandoned it in the expectation of reaching the shore, 
although the water still ran there with great rapidity. But he 
was drowned, for he had been so weakened and overcome by 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 207 

his efforts that it was impossible for him to save himself after 
abandoning the canoe. Our savage Savignon, understanding 
himself better, held firmly to the canoe until it reached an 
eddy, whither the current had carried it. Here he managed so 
well that, notwithstanding his suffering and weariness, he 
approached the shore gradually, when, after throwing the water 
out of the canoe, he returned in great fear that they would 
take vengeance upon him, as the savages do among themselves, 
and related to us this sad story, which caused us great sorrow. 
On the next day I went in another canoe to the Fall, to- 
gether with the savage and another member of our com- 
pany, to see the place where they had met with their accident, 
and find, if possible, the remains. But when he showed me 
the spot, I was horrified at beholding such a terrible place, 
and astonished that the deceased should have been so lacking 
in judgment as to pass through such a fearful place, when they 
could have gone another way. For it is impossible to go along 
there, as there are seven or eight descents of water one after 
the other, the lowest three feet high, the seething and boiling 
of the water being fearful. A part of the Fall was all white 
with foam, indicating the worst spot, the noise of which was 
hke thunder, the air resounding with the echo of the cataracts. 
After viewing and carefully examining this place, and search- 
ing along the river bank for the dead bodies, another very 
light shallop having proceeded meanwhile on the other bank 
also, we returned without finding anything. 



Chapter 3 

Two hundred savages return the Frenchman who had been en- 
trusted to them, and receive the savage who had come hack 
from France. Various interviews on both sides. 

On the thirteenth day of the month two hundred Chario- 
quois ^ savages, together with the captains, Ochateguin, Iro- 

* In the edition of 1632 Champlain has Sauvages Hurons. 



208 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

quet, and Tregouaroti, brother of our savage, brought back 
my servant/ We were greatly pleased to see them. I went 
to meet them in a canoe with our savage. As they were 
approaching slowly and in order, our men prepared to salute 
them, with a discharge of arquebuses, muskets, and small 
pieces. When they were near at hand, they all set to shouting 
together, and one of the chiefs gave orders that they should 
make their harangue, in which they greatly praised us, com- 
mending us as truthful, inasmuch as I had kept the promise 
to meet them at this Fall. After they had made three more 
shouts, there was a discharge of musketry twice from thirteen 
barques or pataches that were there. This alarmed them so, 
that they begged me to assure them that there should be no 
more firing, saying that the greater part of them had never 
seen Christians, nor heard thunderings of that sort, and that 
they were afraid of its harming them, but that they were 
greatly pleased to see our savage in health, whom they sup- 
posed to be dead, as had been reported by some Algonquins, 
who had heard so from the Montagnais. The savage com- 
mended the treatment I had shown him in France, and the 
remarkable objects he had seen, at which all wondered, and 
went away quietly to their cabins, expecting that on the 
next day I would show them the place where I wished to 
have them dwell. I saw also my servant, who was dressed 
in the costume of the savages, who commended the treat- 
ment he had received from them. He informed me of all he 
had seen and learned during the winter, from the savages. 

The next day I showed them a spot for their cabins, in 
regard to which the elders and principal ones consulted very 
privately. After their long consultation they sent for me alone 
and my servant, who had learned their language very well. 
They told him they desired a close alHance with me, and were 
sorry to see here all these shallops, and that our savage had 
told them he did not know them at all nor their intentions, 
and that it was clear that they were attracted only by their 

* This was the young man previously mentioned, apparently 6tienne 
Brul6, who had passed the winter among them. See p. 185. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 209 

desire of gain and their avarice, and that when their assistance 
was needed they would refuse it, and would not act as I did 
in offering to go with my companions to their country and 
assist them, of all of which I had given them proofs in the past. 
They praised me for the treatment I had shown our savage, 
which was that of a brother, and had put them under such 
obHgations of good will to me, that they said they would en- 
deavor to comply with anything I might desire from them, 
but that they feared that the other boats would do them 
some harm. I assured them that they would not, and that we 
were all under one king, whom our savage had seen, and be- 
longed to the same nation, though matters of business were 
confined to individuals, and that they had no occasion to fear, 
but might feel as much security as if they were in their own 
country. After considerable conversation, they made a 
present of a hundred castors.^ I gave them in exchange 
other kinds of merchandise. They told me there were more 
than four hundred savages of their country who had purposed 
to come, but had been prevented by the following representa- 
tions of an Iroquois prisoner, who had belonged to me, but had 
escaped to his own country. He had reported, they said, that 
I had given him his liberty and some merchandise, and that 
I purposed to go to the Fall with six hundred Iroquois to meet 
the Algonquins and kill them all, adding that the fear aroused 
by this intelhgence had alone prevented them from coming. 
I replied that the prisoner in question had escaped without 
my leave, that our savage knew very well how he went away, 
and that there was no thought of abandoning their alliance, 
as they had heard, since I had engaged in war with them, and 
sent my servant to their country to foster their friendship, 
which was still farther confirmed by my keeping my promise 
to them in so faithful a manner. 

They repHed that, so far as they were concerned, they 
had never thought of this; that they were well aware that 
all this talk was far from the truth, and that if they had 
believed the contrary they would not have come, but that 

* I.e., beaver-skins. 



210 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

the others were afraid, never having seen a Frenchman except 
my servant. They told me also that three hundred Algon- 
quins would come in five or six days, if we would wait for 
them, to unite with themselves in war against the Iroquois; 
that, however, they would return without doing so unless 
I went. I talked a great deal with them about the source 
of the great river and their country, and they gave me de- 
tailed information about their rivers, falls, lakes, and lands, 
as also about the tribes Uving there, and what is to be found 
in the region. Four of them assured me that they had seen 
a sea at a great distance from their country, but that it was 
difficult to go there, not only on account of the wars, but of 
the intervening wilderness. They told me also that, the 
winter before, some savages had come from the direction 
of Florida, beyond the country of the Iroquois, who Hved near 
our ocean, and were in alliance with these savages. In a 
word they made me a very exact statement, indicating by 
drawings all the places where they had been, and taking 
pleasure in talking to me about them ; and for my part I did 
not tire of Hstening to them, as they confirmed points in regard 
to which I had been before in doubt. After all this conversa- 
tion was concluded, I told them that we would trade for the 
few articles they had, which was done the next day. Each 
one of the barques carried away its portion; we on our side 
had all the hardship and venture; the others, who had not 
troubled themselves about any explorations, had the booty, 
the only thing that urges them to activity, in which they em- 
ploy no capital and venture nothing. 

The next day, after bartering what Httle they had, they 
made a barricade about their dwelling, partly in the direction 
of the wood, and partly in that of our pataches ; and this they 
said they did for their security, in order to avoid the surprises 
of their enemies, which we took for the truth. On the coming 
night, they called our savage, who was sleeping on my patache, 
and my servant, who went to them. After a great deal of 
conversation, about midnight they had me called also. En- 
tering their cabins, I found them all seated in council. They 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 211 

had me sit down near them, saying that when they met for 
the purpose of considering a matter, it was their custom to 
do so at night, that they might not be diverted by anything 
from attention to the subject in hand; that at night one 
thought only of hstening, while during the day the thoughts 
were distracted by other objects. 

But in my opinion, confiding in me, they desired to tell me 
privately their purpose. Besides, they were afraid of the 
other pataches, as they subsequently gave me to understand. 
For they told me that they were uneasy at seeing so many 
Frenchmen, who were not especially united to one another, 
and that they had desired to see me alone; that some of 
them had been beaten; that they were as kindly disposed 
towards me as towards their own children, confiding so much 
in me that they would do whatever I told them to do, but 
that they greatly mistrusted the others; that if I returned 
I might take as many of their people as I wished, if it were 
under the guidance of a chief; and that they sent for me to 
assure me anew of their friendship, which would never be broken, 
and to express the hope that I might never be ill disposed 
towards them; and being aware that I had determined to 
visit their country, they said they would show it to me at the 
risk of their fives, giving me the assistance of a large number 
of men, who could go everywhere ; and that in future we should 
expect such treatment from them as they had received from us. 

Straightway they brought fifty castors and four strings of 
beads, which they value as we do gold chains, saying that 
I should share these with my brother, referring to Pont Grave, 
we being present together; that these presents were sent 
by other captains, who had never seen me; that they de- 
sired to continue friends to me; that if any of the French 
wished to go with them, they should be greatly pleased to have 
them do so ; and that they desired more than ever to estab- 
lish a firm friendship. After much conversation with them 
I proposed that inasmuch as they were desirous to have me 
visit their country, I would petition His Majesty to assist us 
to the extent of forty or fifty men, equipped with what was 



212 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN £1611 

necessary for the journey, and that I would embark with them 
on condition that they would furnish us the necessary pro- 
visions for the journey, and that I would take presents for the 
chiefs of the country through which we should pass, when we 
would return to our settlement to spend the winter; that 
moreover, if I found their country favorable and fertile, we 
would make many settlements there, by which means we 
should have frequent intercourse with each other, Hving hap- 
pily in the future in the fear of God, whom we would make 
known to them. They were well pleased with this proposition, 
and begged me to shake hands upon it, saying that they on 
their part would do all that was possible for its fulfilment; 
that, in regard to provisions, we should be as well suppHed 
as they themselves, assuring me again that they would show 
me what I desired to see. Thereupon, I took leave of them 
at daybreak, thanking them for their wilhngness to carry 
out my wishes, and entreating them to continue to entertain 
the same feelings. 

On the next day, the 17th, they said that they were going 
castor-hunting, and that they would all return. On the fol- 
lowing morning they finished bartering what httle they had, 
when they embarked in their canoes, asking us not to take any 
steps towards taking down their dwellings, which we prom- 
ised them. Then they separated from each other, pretending 
to go a hunting in different directions. They left our savage 
with me that we might have less distrust in them. But they 
had appointed themselves a rendezvous above the Fall, where 
they knew well enough that we could not go with our barques. 
Meanwhile, we awaited them in accordance with what they 
had told us. 

The next day there came two savages, one Iroquet, the 
other the brother of our Savignon. They came to get the 
latter, and ask me in behalf of all their companions to go 
alone with my servant to where they were encamped, as 
they had something of importance to tell me, which they 
were unwilling to communicate to any Frenchmen. I prom- 
ised them that I would go. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 213 

The following day I gave some trifles to Savignon, who 
set out much pleased, giving me to understand that he was 
about to live a very irksome life in comparison with that 
which he had led in France. He expressed much regret at 
separation, but I was very glad to be reheved of the care 
of him. The two captains told me that on the morning of 
the next day they would send for me, which they did. I 
embarked, accompanied by my servant, with those who came. 
Having arrived at the Fall, we went some eight leagues into 
the woods, where they were encamped on the shore of a lake, 
where I had been before. They were much pleased at seeing 
me, and began to shout after their custom. Our Indian came 
out to meet me, and ask me to go to the cabin of his brother, 
where he at once had some meat and fish put on the fire for 
my entertainment. While I was there, a banquet was held, 
to which all the leading Indians were invited. I was not 
forgotten, although I had already eaten sufficiently; but, in 
order not to violate the custom of the country, I attended. 
After banqueting, they went into the woods to hold their 
council, and meanwhile I amused myself in looking at the 
country round about, which is very pleasant. 

Some time after they called me, in order to communi- 
cate to me what they had resolved upon. I proceeded to 
them accordingly with my servant. After I had seated my- 
self by their side, they said they were very glad to see me, 
and to find that I had not failed to keep my word in what I 
had promised them ; saying that they felt it an additional proof 
of my affection that I continued the aUiance with them, and 
that before setting out they desired to take leave of me, as 
it would have been a very great disappointment to them to 
go away without seeing me, thinking that I would in that 
case have been ill disposed towards them. They said also 
that what had led them to say they were going a-hunting, 
and build the barricade, was not the fear of their enemies 
nor the desire of hunting, but their fear of all the other pataches 
accompanying me, inasmuch as they had heard it said that 
on the night they sent for me they were all to be killed, and 



214 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN" [1611 

that I should not be able to protect them from the others, who 
were much more numerous; so that in order to get away 
they made use of this ruse. But they said if there had been 
only our two pataches they would have stayed some days longer, 
and they begged that, when I returned with my companions, 
I would not bring any others. To this I repHed that I did not 
bring these, but that they followed without my invitation; 
that in the future, however, I would come in another manner ; 
at which explanation they were much pleased. 

And now they began again to repeat what they had prom- 
ised me in regard to the exploration of the country, while 
I promised, with the help of God, to fulfil what I had told 
them. They besought me again to give them a man, and I 
replied that if there was any one among us who was willing 
to go, I should be well pleased. 

They told me there was a merchant, named Bouyer, com- 
mander of a patache, who had asked them to take a young 
man, which request, however, they had been unwilHng to 
grant before ascertaining whether this was agreeable to me, 
as they did not know whether we were friends, since he had 
come in my company to trade with them ; also that they were 
in no wise under any obligations to him, but that he had 
offered to make them large presents. 

I replied that we were in no wise enemies, and that they 
had often seen us conversing with each other; but that in 
regard to traffic each did what he could, and that the above- 
named Bouyer was perhaps desirous of sending this young 
man as I had sent mine, hoping for some return in the future, 
which I could also lay claim to from them; that, however, 
they must judge towards whom they had the greatest obliga- 
tions, and from whom they were to expect the most. 

They said there was no comparison between the obliga- 
tions in the two cases, not only in view of the help I had ren- 
dered them in their wars against their enemies, but also of 
the offer of my personal assistance in the future, in all of 
which they had found me faithful to the truth, adding that 
all depended on my pleasure. They said moreover that what 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 215 

made them speak of the matter was the presents he had offered 
them, and that, if this young man should go with them, 
it would not put them under such obligations to this Bouyer 
as they were under to me, and that it would have no influence 
upon the future, since they only took him on account of the 
presents from Bouyer. 

I repHed that it was indifferent to me whether they took 
him or not, and in fact that if they took him for a small con- 
sideration I should be displeased at it, but if in return for 
valuable presents, I should be satisfied, provided he stayed 
with Iroquet; which they promised me. Then there was 
made on both sides a final statement of our agreements. They 
had with them one who had three times been made prisoner 
by the Iroquois, but had been successful in escaping. This 
one resolved to go, with nine others, to war, for the sake of re- 
venge for the cruelties his enemies had caused him to suffer. 
All the captains begged me to dissuade him if possible, since 
he was very valiant, and they were afraid that, advancing 
boldly towards the enemy, and supported by a small force 
only, he would never return. To satisfy them I endeavored 
to do so, and urged all the reasons I could, which, however, 
availed Httle ; for he, showing me a portion of his fingers cut 
off, also great cuts and burns on his body, as evidences of the 
manner they had tortured him, said that it was impossible 
for him to hve without killing some of his enemies and having 
vengeance, and that 'his heart told him he must set out as soon 
as possible, as he did, firmly resolved to behave well. 

After concluding with them, I asked them to take me back 
in our patache. To accomphsh this, they got ready eight 
canoes in order to pass the Fall, stripping themselves naked, 
and directing me to go in my shirt. For it often happens 
that some are lost in passing the Fall. Consequently, they 
keep close to each other, so as to render assistance at once, if 
any canoe should happen to turn over. They said to me. 
If yours should unfortunately overturn, not knowing how to 
swim, you must not think of abandoning it, and must 
cling to the little pieces in the middle of it, for we can easily 



216 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

rescue you. I am sure that even the most self-possessed 
persons in the world, who have not seen this place nor passed 
it in Httle boats such as they have, could not do so without 
the greatest apprehension. But these people are so skilful in 
passing falls, that it is an easy matter for them. I passed 
with them, which I had never before done, nor any other 
Christian, except my above-mentioned servant. Then we 
reached our barques, where I lodged a large number of them, 
and had some conversation with the before-mentioned Bouyer 
in view of the fear he entertained that I should prevent his 
servant from going with the savages. They returned the next 
day with the young man, who proved expensive to his master, 
who had expected, in my opinion, to recover the losses of his 
voyage, which were very considerable, like those of many 
others. 

One of our young men also determined to go with these 
savages, who are Charioquois, Hving at a distance of some 
one hundred and fifty leagues from the Fall. He went with 
the brother of Savignon, one of the captains, who promised 
me to show him all that could be seen. Bouyer's man went 
with the above-mentioned Iroquet, an Algonquin, who lives 
some eighty leagues from the FalL Both went off well pleased 
and contented. 

After the departure of the savages, we awaited the three 
hundred others who, as had been told us, were to come, in 
accordance with the promise I had made them. Finding that 
they did not come, all the pataches determined to induce 
some Algonquin savages, who had come from Tadoussac, to 
go to meet them, in view of a reward that would be given them 
on their return, which was to be at the latest not over nine 
days from the time of their departure, so that we might know 
whether to expect them or not, and be able to return to 
Tadoussac. This they agreed to, and a canoe left with this 
purpose. 

On the fifth of July a canoe arrived from the Algonquins, 
who were to come to the number of three hundred. From 
it we learned that the canoe which had set out from us had 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 217 

arrived in their country, and that their companions, wearied 
by their journey, were resting, and that they would soon ar- 
rive, in fulfihnent of the promise they had made ; that at most 
they would not be more than eight days behindhand, but that 
there would be only twenty-four canoes, as one of their captains 
and many of their comrades had died of a fever that had broken 
out among them. They also said that they had sent many 
to the war, which had hindered their progress. We deter- 
mined to wait for them. 

But finding that this period had elapsed without their 
arrival, Pont Grave set out from the Fall on the eleventh of 
the month, to arrange some matters at Tadoussac, while I 
stayed to await the savages. 

The same day a patache arrived, bringing provisions for 
the numerous barques of which our party consisted. For 
our bread, wine, meat, and cider had given out some days 
before, obUging us to have recourse to fishing, the fine river 
water, and some radishes which grow in great abundance in 
the country ; otherwise we should have been obliged to return. 
The same day an Algonquin canoe arrived, assuring us that 
on the next day the twenty-four canoes were to come, twelve 
of them prepared for war. ^ 

On the twelfth the Algonquins arrived with some httle 
merchandise. Before trafficking they made a present to a 
Montagnais Indian, the son of Anadabijou, who had lately 
died, in order to mitigate his grief at the death of his father. 
Shortly after they resolved to make some presents to all 
the captains of the pataches. They gave to each of them 
ten castors, saying they were very sorry they had no more, but 
that the war, to which most of them were going, was the reason ; 
they begged, however, that what they offered might be accepted 
in good part, saying that they were all friends to us, and to 
me, who was seated near them, more than to all the others, 
who were well-disposed towards them only on account of their 
castors, and had not always assisted them Hke myself, whom 
they had never found double-tongued Hke the rest. 

I replied that all those whom they saw gathered together 



218 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

were their friends ; that, in case an opportunity should present 
itself, they would not fail to do their duty; that we were all 
friends ; that they should continue to be well disposed towards 
us; that we would make them presents in return for those 
they gave us; and that they should trade in peace. This 
they did, and carried away what they could. 

The next day they brought me privately forty castors, 
assuring me of their friendship, and that they were very glad 
of the conclusion which I had reached with the savages who 
had gone away, and that we should make a settlement at the 
fall, which I assured them we would do, making them a present 
in return. 

After everything had been arranged, they determined to 
go and obtain the body of Outetoucos, who was drowned 
at the Fall, as we have before mentioned. They went to 
the spot where he had been buried, disinterred him and carried 
him to the island of St. Hel^ne, where they performed their 
usual ceremony, which is to sing and dance over the grave 
with festivities and banquets following. I asked them why 
they disinterred the body. They replied that if their enemies 
should find the grave they would do so, and divide the body 
into several pieces, which they would then hang to trees in 
order to offend them. For this reason they said that they 
transferred it to a place off from the road, and in the most 
secret manner possible. 

On the 15th there arrived fourteen canoes, the chief over 
which was named Tecouehata. Upon their arrival all the other 
savages took up arms and performed some circular evolutions. 
After going around and dancing to their satisfaction, the others 
who were in their canoes also began to dance, making various 
movements of the body. After finishing their singing, they 
went on shore with a small quantity of furs, and made presents 
similar to those of the others. These were reciprocated by 
some of equal value. The next day they trafficked in what 
httle they had, and presented me personally with thirty castors, 
for which I made them an acknowledgment. They begged 
me to continue my good will to them, which I promised to 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 219 

do. They spoke with me very especially respecting certain 
explorations towards the north, which might prove advan- 
tageous; and said, in reference to them, that if any one of 
my company would like to go with them, they would show 
him what would please me, and would treat him as one of 
their own children. I promised to give them a young man, 
at which they were much pleased. When he took leave of 
me to go with them, I gave him a detailed memorandum of 
what he was to observe while with them. After they had 
bartered what little they had, they separated into three par- 
ties ; one for the war, another for the great Fall, another for 
a httle river which flows into that of the great Fall. Thus 
they set out on the 18th day of the month, on which day 
we also departed. 

The same day we made the thirty leagues from this Fall to 
the Trois Rivieres. On the 19th we arrived at Quebec, which 
is also thirty leagues from the Trois Rivieres. I induced the 
most of those in each boat to stay at the settlement, when I 
had some repairs made and some rose-bushes set out. I had 
also some oak wood put on board to make trial of in France, 
not only for marine wainscoting but also for windows. The 
next day, the 20th of July, I set out. On the 23d I arrived 
at Tadoussac, whence I resolved to return to France, in ac- 
cordance with the advice of Pont Grav^. After arranging 
matters relating to our settlement, according to the directions 
which Sieur de Monts had given me, I embarked in the vessel 
of Captain Tibaut, of La Rochelle, on the 11th of August. 
During our passage we had an abundance of fish, such as 
orades, mackerel,^ and pilotes, the latter similar to herrings, 
and found about certain planks covered with pousse-pieds, 
a kind of shell-fish attaching itself thereto, and growing there 
gradually. Sometimes the number of these Httle fish is so 
great that it is surprising to behold. We caught also some 
porpoises and other species of fish. The weather was fa- 
vorable as far as Belle-Isle,^ where we were overtaken by fogs, 

* Grande-oreille, i.e., large-ear. See p. 192. 

* Belle-Isle-en-mer, off the west coast of France. 



220 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

which continued three or four days. The weather then be- 
coming fair, we sighted Alvert/ and arrived at La Rochelle 
on the 16th of September, 1611. 



Chapter 4 

Arrival at La Rochelle. Dissolution of the partnership between 
Sieur de Monts and his associates, the Sieurs Colier 
and le Gendre of Rouen. Jealousy of the French in 
regard to the new discoveries in New France. 

Upon my arrival at La Rochelle I proceeded to visit Sieur 
de Monts, at Pons ^ in Saintonge, to inform him of all that 
had occurred during the expedition, and of the promise which 
the Ochateguins and Algonquins had made me, on condition 
that we would assist them in their wars, as I had agreed. 
Sieur de Monts, after listening to it all, determined to go to 
the Court to arrange the matter. I started before him to go 
there also. But on the way I was unfortunately detained 
by the falling of a horse upon me, which came near kiUing 
me. This fall detained me some time ; but as soon as I had 
sufficiently recovered from its effects I set out again to com- 
plete my journey and meet Sieur de Monts at Fontainebleau, 
who, upon his return to Paris, had a conference with his asso- 
ciates. The latter were unwilUng to continue in the associa- 
tion, as there was no commission forbidding any others from 
going to the new discoveries and trading with the inhabitants 
of the country. Sieur de Monts, seeing this, bargained with 
them for what remained at the settlement at Quebec, in con- 
sideration of a sum of money which he gave them for their 
share. He sent also some men to take care of the settlement, 
in the expectation of obtaining a commission from His Majesty. 

* Pointe d'Arvert, a cape nine miles from Brouage, and twenty-seven 
miles south of La Rochelle. 

^ De Monts was governor of this town, which was about fifty miles 
southeast of La Rochelle. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 221 

But while he was engaged in the pursuit of this object some 
important matters demanded his attention, so that he was 
obliged to abandon it, and he left me the duty of taking the 
necessary steps for it. As I was about arranging the matter, 
the vessels arrived from New France with men from our settle- 
ment, those whom I had sent into the interior with the savages. 
They brought me very important information, saying that 
more than two hundred savages had come, expecting to find 
me at the great Fall of St. Louis, where I had appointed a ren- 
dezvous, with the intention of assisting them according to 
their request. But, finding that I had not kept my promise, 
they were greatly displeased. Our men, however, made some 
apologies, which were accepted, and assured them that they 
would not fail to come the following year or never. The sav- 
ages agreed to this on their part. But several others left 
the old trading-station of Tadoussac, and came to the fall 
with many small barques to see if they could engage in traffic 
with these people, whom they assured that I was dead, al- 
though our men stoutly declared the contrary. This shows 
how jealousy against meritorious objects gets possession of 
bad natures; and all they want is that men should expose 
themselves to a thousand dangers, to discover peoples and 
territories, that they themselves may have the profit and others 
the hardship. It is not reasonable that one should capture 
the lamb and another go off with the fleece. If they had been 
wiUing to participate in our discoveries, use their means, and 
risk their persons, they would have given evidence of their 
honor and nobleness, but on the contrary they show clearly 
that they are impelled by pure maUce that they may enjoy 
the fruit of our labors equally with ourselves. 

On this subject, and to show how many persons strive to 
pervert praiseworthy enterprises, I will instance again the 
people of St. Malo and others, who say that the profit of these 
discoveries belongs to them, since Jacques Cartier, who first 
visited Canada and the islands of Newfoundland, was from 
their city; as if that city had contributed to the expenses 
of these discoveries of Jacques Cartier, who went there by 



222 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

the order and at the expense of King Francis I. in the years 
1534 and 1535 to discover these territories now called New 
France. If then Cartier made any discovery at the expense 
of His Majesty, all his subjects have the same rights and Hb- 
erties in them as the people of St. Malo, who cannot prevent 
others who make farther discoveries at their own expense, as 
is shown in the case of the discoveries above described, from 
profiting by them in peace. Hence they ought not to claim 
any rights if they themselves make no contributions, and their 
reasons for doing so are weak and foohsh. 

To prove more conclusively that they who maintain this 
position do so without any foundation, let us suppose that a 
Spaniard or other foreigner had discovered lands and wealth 
at the expense of the King of France. Could the Spaniards 
or other foreigners claim these discoveries and this wealth, 
on the ground that the discoverer was a Spaniard or foreigner ? 
No ! There would be no sense in doing so, and they would 
always belong to France. Hence the people of St. Malo cannot 
make these claims for the reason which they give, that Cartier 
was a citizen of their city ; and they can only take cognizance 
of the fact that he was a citizen of theirs, and render him 
accordingly the praise which is his due. 

Besides, Cartier in the voyage which he made never passed 
the great Fall of St. Louis, and made no discoveries north or 
south of the river St. Lawrence. His narratives give no evi- 
dence of it, in which he speaks only of the river Saguenay, 
the Trois Rivieres and St. Croix, where he spent the winter 
in a fort near our settlement. Had he done so, he would not 
have failed to mention it, any more than what he has men- 
tioned, which shows that he left all the upper part of the St. 
Lawrence, from Tadoussac to the great Fall, being a territory 
difficult to explore, and that he was unwilling to expose him- 
self or let his barques engage in the venture.^ So that what 
he did has borne no fruit until four years ago, when we made 

* This is a mistake. Cartier went as far as the present city of Montreal, 
though he does not describe in detail the country between Montreal and 
Quebec. See Early English and French Voyages, pp. 54-71. 



1611] THE VOYAGE OF 1611 223 

our settlement at Quebec, after which I ventured to pass the 
Fall to help the savages in their wars, and send among them 
men to make the acquaintance of the people, to learn their 
mode of hving, and the character and extent of their territory. 
After devoting ourselves to labors which have been so success- 
ful, is it not just that we should enjoy their fruits, His Majesty 
not having contributed anything to aid those who have as- 
sumed the responsibilities of these undertakings up to the 
present time ? I hope that God will at some time incline him to 
do so much for His service, his own glory and the welfare of his 
subjects, as to bring many new peoples to the knowledge of our 
faith, that they may at last enjoy the heavenly kingdom/ 

* The two general maps mentioned on the title-page of the Voyages of 
1613 are inserted by Champlain at this point. A reproduction of one of 
them, the "Carte Geographique de la Novelle franse en son vray meri- 
diein," is here presented. As the explanations with which Champlain 
accompanies it are partly out of place, it may be well that they should 
be brought together at this point, where they will be near the map. In a 
position corresponding to this, at the end of the Voyages proper, just before 
the Quatriesme Voyage, under the heading "Explanation of two Geo- 
graphical Maps of New France," he says, speaking of this one, "The 
smallest is in its true meridian, in accordance with the directions of the 
Sieur de Castelfranc in his book on the mecometry of the magnetic needle, 
[Mecometrie de I'Eymant, c'est a dire la Maniere de mesurer les Longitudes 
par le moyen de I'Eymant (Toulouse, 1603). See p. 27, note 3], where I 
have noted, as will be seen on the map, several declinations, which have 
been of much service to me, so also all the altitudes, latitudes and longi- 
tudes, from the forty-first degree of latitude to the fifty-first, in the di- 
rection of the North Pole, which are the confines of Canada, or the Great 
Bay, where more especially the Basques and Spaniards engage in the 
whale fishery." This was the first attempt to lay down the latitude and 
longitude on any map of the coast. Different "states" of this map vary 
in minor particulars. 

An additional statement explanatory of the map is given in the pre- 
liminary matter of the volume, just before the "Privilege," with the ap- 
pearance of having been introduced at the last moment before printing: 
"On the small map is added the strait above Labrador between the fifty- 
third and sixty-third degrees of latitude, which the English have discovered 
during the present year 1612, in their voyage to find, if possible, a passage 
to China by way of the North. They wintered at a place indicated by this 
mark, G. But it was not without enduring severe cold, and they were 
obliged to return to England, leaving their leader in the northern regions. 
Within six months three other vessels have set out, to penetrate, if possible, 



224 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

still farther, and at the same time to search for the men who were left in 
that region." The reference is of course to the last and fatal voyage of 
Henry Hudson, to the mutiny with which it terminated, and to the search 
under Sir Thomas Button. Now a chart by Hudson fortunately escaped 
destruction by the mutineers, and was reproduced in Holland by Hessel 
Gerritsz in a map. Tabula Nautica qua reproesentantur orcB maritimce meatus 
ac freta, noviter a Hudsono Anglo ad Caurum supra Novam Franciam inda- 
gata Anno 1612. This map is reproduced in the frontispiece of Asher, 
Henry Hudson the Navigator (London, 1860), and in Winsor's America, 
VIII. 2. Champlain's engraver evidently had it before him. The reader 
will see in the lettering of Champlain's map curious evidences of the deriva- 
tion of this part from an English original through a Dutch version. While the 
rest of the lettering is French, here in the northwest we have the following 
legends taken over from Hudson without other change than a Dutch spell- 
ing of some English words : "The bay wher Hudson did winter " "C. Wors- 
nam," "Salisberis ilandt," "Quine annes forlandt," "Holde With hoope" 
[hope], "C. Elizabeth," "fretum da vis," "The Uand of good fortun," 
"Lomles inlet," "Groenlandia." 

Upon the key to Champlain's map which is supplied beneath it, the 
following remarks may be useful : (a) "L, Riviere des Ethechemins," is the 
St. Croix River. (6) "S, Port du rossignol," means the more westerly 
of the two S's. (c) "SS, Lac de medicis," probably means the Lake of Two 
Mountains, {d) "4, Saincte Croix," indicates the St. Croix of Cartier. 
(e) "5, Sault," means the Falls of Montmorency. 

In the original volume, after the explanations of his two maps of New 
France, Champlain gives an account of his method of determining a meridian 
line. 



4r5k 



4-1? 




CO C<uci>ui grb.n. F Ilk Looj-uc. 



■■, , I, l.-.i.'iiV':. 1 J 5iuic. 1 ^ li^iCifjjt^vo,? ycu:;. 6 Lac r^inccrivUc. ! M Wcrmne. 

j TSefjiui;;:. '^ • e Lc!,jj.r..6:r,. j j L'illcjux'couilic!. 1 D B-iyclr^aalriu. 7 Kiuiae dcs Ytoquois, j 1 iflcsairtOiffOua, 

CHAMPLAIN'S MAP OF NEW FRANCE ACCORDING TO THE TRUE MERIDIAN. 
From a copy of the First Edition of tlie yoya^es 0/1613, in the New York Public Library (I.enox Building). 



FOURTH VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAM- 
PLAIN MADE IN THE YEAR 1613 



FOURTH VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE 
CHAMPLAIN 

CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE 

MARINE, AND LIEUTENANT OF MONSEIGNEUR 

LE PRINCE DE CONDE IN NEW FRANCE 

MADE IN THE YEAR 1613 

To the very high, 'powerful, and excellent Henri de Bourhon, 
Prince de Conde, First Prince of the Blood, First Peer of 
France, Governor and Lieutenant of His Majesty in Guienne} 

MONSEIGNEUR, 

The honor that I have received from your Highness in be- 
ing intrusted with the discovery of New France has inspired 
in me the desire to pursue with still greater pains and zeal 
than ever the search for the North Sea. With this object in 
view I have made a voyage during the past year, 1613, rely- 
ing on a man whom I had sent there and who assured me he 
had seen it, as you will perceive in this brief narrative, which 
I venture to present to your Excellence, and in which are 
particularly described all the toils and sufferings I have had 
in the undertaking. But although I regret having lost this 
year so far as the main object is concerned, yet my expecta- 
tion, as in the first voyage, of obtaining more definite infor- 
mation respecting the subject from the savages, has been 
fulfilled. They have told me about various lakes and rivers 
in the north, in view of which, aside from their assurance 

^ The third prince of Cond6 was appointed in 1612 protector of the 
Company of New France, whose formation ended the four-years' period of 
free trade on the upper St. Lawrence. Though Cond6 was a man of little 
ability, his rank as first prince of the blood was of service to the company 
amid the maze of court and commercial intrigues. 

227 



228 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1611 

that they know of this sea, it seems to me easy to conclude 
from the maps that it cannot be far from the farthest dis- 
coveries I have hitherto made. Awaiting a favorable time 
and opportunity to prosecute my plans, and praying God to 
preserve you, most happy Prince, in all prosperity, wherein 
consists my highest wish for your greatness, I remain in the 
quality of 

Your most humble and devoted servant, 

Samuel de Champlain. 



Chapter 1 

What led me to seek for terms of regulation. A commission 
obtained. Oppositions to the same. Publication at 
last in all the ports of France. 

The desire which I have always had of making new 
discoveries in New France, for the good, profit, and glory of 
the French name, and at the same time to lead the poor natives 
to the knowledge of God, has led me to seek more and more 
for the greater faciUty of this undertaking, which can only 
be secured by means of good regulations. For, since individ- 
uals desire to gather the fruits of my labor without contribut- 
ing to the expenses and great outlays requisite for the support 
of the settlements necessary to a successful result, this branch 
of trade is ruined by the greediness of gain, which is so great 
that it causes merchants to set out prematurely in order to 
arrive first in this country. By this means they not only 
become involved in the ice, but also in their own ruin, for, 
from trading with the savages in a secret manner and offering 
through rivalry with each other more merchandise than is 
necessary, they get the worst of the bargain. Thus, while 
purposing to deceive their associates, they generally deceive 
themselves. 

For this reason, when I returned to France on the 10th 



1612] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 22d 

of September, 1611, I spoke to Sieur de Monts about the 
matter, who approved of my suggestions ; but his engagements 
not allowing him to prosecute the matter at court, he left to 
me its whole management. 

I then drew up a statement, which I presented to President 
Jeannin,^ who, being a man desirous of seeing good under- 
takings prosper, commended my project, and encouraged 
me in its prosecution. 

But feeling assured that those who love to fish in troubled 
waters would be vexed at such regulations and seek means 
to thwart them, it seemed advisable to throw myself into the 
hands of some power whose authority would prevail over 
their jealousy. 

Now, Imowing Monseigneur le Comte de Soissons ^ to be 
a prince devout and well disposed to all holy undertakings, 
I addressed myself to him through Sieur de BeauHeu, councillor 
and almoner in ordinary to the King, and urged upon him 
the importance of the matter, setting forth the means of 
regulating it, the harm which disorder had heretofore produced, 
and the total ruin with which it was threatened, to the great 
dishonor of the French name, unless God should raise up some 
one who would reanimate it and give promise of securing for 
it some day the success which had hitherto been httle antici- 
pated. After he had been informed in regard to all the details 
of the scheme and seen the map of the country which I had 
made, he promised me, imder the sanction of the King, to 
undertake the protectorate of the enterprise. 

I immediately after presented to His Majesty, and to the 
gentlemen of his council, a petition accompanied by articles, 
to the end that it might please him to issue regulations for the 
undertaking, without which, as I have said, it would fail. 

* President Jeannin (1540-1622) was one of the most important law- 
yers and statesmen of the reigns of Henry III. and Henry IV., and of the 
regency which followed, and took a great interest in all schemes of coloniza- 
tion. Lescarbot dedicates to him his Histoire de la Nouvelle France. 

' Charles de Bourbon, Count de Soissons, a prince of the blood, young- 
est son of the first Cond6. He preceded the third Cond6 as lieutenant- 
general for the king in New France. He died November 1, 1612. 



230 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

Accordingly his Majesty gave the direction and control to 
the before-mentioned count, who then honored me with the 
Heutenancy. 

Now as I was preparing to pubHsh the commission ^ of 
the Ejng in all the ports and harbors of France, there occurred 
the sickness and greatly lamented death of the count, which 
postponed somewhat the imdertaking. But his Majesty 
at once committed the direction to Monseigneur le Prince,^ 
who proceeded in the execution of its duties, and, having 
in like manner honored me with the heutenancy, directed me 
to go on with the pubhcation of the commission. But as soon 
as this was done, some marplots, who had no interest in the 
matter, importuned him to annul it, representing to him, as 
they claimed, the interests of all the merchants of France, 
who had no cause for complaint, since all were received into 
the association and could not therefore justly be aggrieved. 
Accordingly, their evil intention being recognized, they were 
dismissed, with permission only to enter into the association. 

During these altercations, it was impossible for me, as the 
time of my departure was very near at hand, to do anything 
for the habitation at Quebec, for repairing and enlarging 
which I desired to take out some workmen. It was accord- 
ingly necessary to go out this year without any farther organ- 
ization. The passports of Monseigneur le Prince were made 
out for four vessels, which were already in readiness for the 
voyage, viz. three from Rouen and one from La Rochelle, 
on condition that each should furnish four men for my assist- 
ance, not only in my discoveries but in war, as I desired 
to keep the promise which I had made to the Ochataiguins 
in the year 1611, to assist them in their wars at the time of 
my next voyage. 

As I was preparing to set out, I was informed that the 
Parhamentary Court of Rouen would not permit the pubh- 
cation of the commission of the King, because his Majesty 

^ This commission, dated October 15, 1612, is given in Champlain's 
Voyages of 1632, Bourne's ed., II. 45-51. 

' I.e., Cond6 (see p. 227, note 1), nephew of Soissons. 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 231 

had reserved to himself and his council the sole cognizance 
of the differences which might arise in this matter; added to 
which was the fact that the merchants of St. Malo were also 
opposed to it. This greatly embarrassed me, and obhged 
me to make three journeys to Rouen, with orders of his Majesty, 
in consideration of which the Court desisted from their inhibi- 
tion, and the assumptions of the opponents were overruled. 
The commission was then pubhshed in all the ports of Nor- 
mandy. 

Chapter 2 

Departure from France. What took place up to our arrival 

at the Falls. 

I set out from Rouen on the 5th of March for Honfleur, 
accompanied by Sieur L'Ange, to assist me in my explorations, 
and in war if occasion should require. 

On the next day, the 6th of the month, we embarked in 
the vessel of Sieur de Pont Grave, immediately setting sail, 
with a favorable wind. 

On the 10th of April we sighted the Grand Bank, where 
we several times tried for fish, but without success. 

On the 15th we had a violent gale, accompanied by rain 
and hail, which was followed by another, lasting forty-eight 
hours, and so violent as to cause the loss of several vessels on 
the island of Cape Breton. 

On the 21st we sighted the island* and Cap de Raye. On 
the 29th the Montagnais savages, perceiving us from All 
Devils' Point, ^ threw themselves into their canoes and came 
to meet us, being so thin and hideous-looking that I did not 
recognize them. At once they began crying for bread, say- 
ing that they were dying of hunger. This led us to conclude 
that the winter had not been severe, and consequently the hunt- 
ing poor, which matter we have alluded to in previous voyages. 

Having arrived on board of our vessel they examined the 
* Newfoundland. » See p. 125, note 2. 



232 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

faces of all, and as I was not to be seen anywhere they asked 
where Monsieur de Champlain was, and were answered that 
I had remained in France. But this they would not think 
of believing, and an old man among them came to me in a 
corner where I was walking, not desiring to be recognized 
as yet, and taking me by the ear, for he suspected who it 
was, saw the scar of the arrow wound which I received at 
the defeat of the Iroquois. At this he cried out, and all the 
others after him, with great demonstrations of joy, saying, 
Your people are awaiting you at the harbor of Tadoussac. 

The same day we arrived at Tadoussac, and although we 
had set out last, nevertheless arrived first, Sieur Boyer ^ of 
Rouen arriving with the same tide. From this it is evident 
that to set out before the season is simply rushing into the 
ice. When we had anchored, our friends came out to us, 
and, after informing us how everything was at the habita- 
tion, began to dress three outardes^ and two hares, which 
they had brought, throwing the entrails overboard, after which 
the poor savages rushed, and, hke famished beasts, devoured 
them without drawing. They also scraped off with their nails 
the fat with which our vessel had been coated, eating it glut- 
tonously as if they had found some great dehcacy. 

The next day two vessels arrived from St. Malo, which 
had set out before the oppositions had been settled and the 
commission been pubhshed in Normandy. I proceeded on 
board, accompanied by L'Ange. The Sieurs de la Moinerie 
and la Tremblaye were in command, to whom I read the 
commission of the King, and the prohibition against violating 
it on penalties attached to the same. They replied that they 
were subjects and faithful servants of His Majesty, and that 
they would obey his commands; and I then had attached 
to a post in the port the arms and commission of His Majesty, 
that no ground for ignorance might be claimed. 

* An old free-trader, long a thorn in the side of the companies of de 
Monts and his associates. See pp. 214-216. 

^ In Europe the outarde is the bustard. Champlain and other early 
writers on Canada apply the term to a species of wild goose, probably the 
brant. 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 233 

On the 2d of May, seeing two shallops equipped to go 
to the Falls, I embarked with the before-mentioned L'Ange 
in one of them. We had very bad weather, so that the masts 
of our shallop were broken, and had it not been for the pre- 
serving hand of God we should have been lost, as was before 
our eyes a shallop from St. Malo, which was going to the 
Isle d'Orleans, those on board of which, however, were saved. 

On the 7th we arrived at Quebec, where we found in good 
condition those who had wintered there, they not having 
been sick; they told us that the winter had not been severe, 
and that the river had not frozen. The trees also were be- 
ginning to put forth leaves and the fields to be decked with 
flowers. 

On the 13th we set out from Quebec for the Falls of St. 
Louis, where we arrived on the 21st, finding there one of 
our barques which had set out after us from Tadoussac, and 
which had traded somewhat with a small troop of Algonquins, 
who came from the war with the Iroquois, and had with them 
two prisoners. Those in the barque gave them to understand 
that I had come with a number of men to assist them in their 
wars, according to the promise I had made them in previous 
years; also that I desired to go to their country and enter 
into an alhance with all their friends, at which they were greatly 
pleased. And, inasmuch as they were desirous of returning to 
their country to assure their friends of their victory, see their 
wives, and put to death their prisoners in a festive tdbagie,^ 
they left as pledges of their return, which they promised should 
be before the middle of the first moon, according to their reck- 
oning, their shields made of wood and elk leather, and a part 
of their bows and arrows. I regretted very much that I was 
not prepared to go with them to their country. 

Three days after, three canoes arrived with Algonquins, 
who had come from the interior, with some articles of mer- 
chandise which they bartered. They told me that the bad 
treatment which the savages had received the year before 
had discouraged them from coming any more, and that they 

^ Banquet. 



234 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

did not believe that I would ever return to their country on 
account of the wrong impressions which those jealous of me 
had given them respecting me; wherefore twelve hundred 
men had gone to the war, having no more hope from the 
French, who they did not beUeve would return again to their 
country. 

This intelHgence greatly disheartened the merchants, as 
they had made a great purchase of merchandise, with the 
expectation that the savages would come, as they had been 
accustomed to. This led me to resolve, as I engaged in my 
explorations, to pass through their country, in order to en- 
courage those who had stayed back, with an assurance of the 
good treatment they would receive, and of the large amoimt 
of good merchandise at the Tall, and also of the desire I had 
to assist them in their war. For carrying out this purpose 
I requested three canoes and three savages to guide us, but 
after much difficulty obtained only two and one savage, and 
this by means of some presents made them. 



Chapter 3 

Departure to discover the North Sea, on the ground of the report 
made me in regard to it. Description of several rivers, 
lakes, and islands; the Falls of the Chaudiere and other 
falls. 

Now, as I had only two canoes, I could take with me but 
four men, among whom was one named Nicholas de Vignau, the 
most impudent har that has been seen for a long time, as the 
sequel of this narrative will show. He had formerly spent the 
winter with the savages, and I had sent him on explorations 
the preceding years. He reported to me, on his return to 
Paris in 1612, that he had seen the North Sea ; that the river 
of the Algonquins came from a lake which emptied into it; 
and that in seventeen days one could go from the Falls of 
St. Louis to this sea and back again; that he had seen the 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 235 

wreck and debris of an English ship that had been wrecked, 
on board of which were eighty men, who had escaped to the 
shore, and whom the savages killed because the English en- 
deavored to take from them by force their Indian corn and 
other necessaries of life; and that he had seen the scalps 
which these savages had flayed off, according to their cus- 
tom, which they would show me, and that they would Hke- 
wise give me a young EngHsh boy whom they had kept for 
me/ This inteUigence had greatly pleased me, for I thought 
that I had almost found that for which I had for a long time 
been searching. Accordingly I enjoined upon him to tell me 
the truth, in order that I might inform the King, and warned 
him that if he gave utterance to a he he was putting the 
rope about his neck, assuring him on the other hand that, 
if his narrative were true, he could be certain of being well 
rewarded. He again assured me, with stronger oaths than 
ever; and in order to play his rdle better he gave me a de- 
scription of the country, which he said he had made as well 
as he was able. Accordingly the confidence which I saw in 
him, his entire frankness as it seemed, the description which 
he had prepared, the wreck and debris of the ship, and the 
things above mentioned, had an appearance of probabihty, 
in connection with the voyage of the Enghsh to Labrador in 
1612, where they found a strait, in which they sailed as far 
as the 63d degree of latitude and the 290th ^ of longitude, 
wintering at the 53d degree and losing some vessels, as their 
report proves. Their circumstances inducing me to believe 
that what he said was true, I made a report of the same to the 
Chancellor,^ which I showed to Marshal de Brissac,* President 

* Vignau had evidently heard rumors of the expedition of Hudson 
of 1610-1611. 

* Longitude at that time was reckoned from the island of Ferro, one of 
the Canaries. Reckoning eastward from that island, the 290th meridian 
would pass through Hudson's Bay. (Slafter.) The voyage of 1612 to 
Hudson's Bay was that of Sir Thomas Button. 

» Nicolas Briilart de Sillery (15"44-1624). 

* Charles de Cosse-Brissac (d, 1621), who had been a prominent mem- 
ber of the League in its wars with Henry IV. 



236 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

Jeannin, and other seigneurs of the Court, who told me that 
I ought to visit the place in person. For this reason I requested 
Sieur Georges, a merchant of La Rochelle, to give him a pas- 
sage in his ship, which he willingly did, and during the voyage 
he questioned him as to his object in making it; and, since 
it was not of any profit to him, he asked if he expected any 
pay, to which the young man answered that he did not, that 
he did not expect anything from any one but the King, and 
that he undertook the voyage only to show me the North Sea, 
which he had seen. He made an affidavit of this at La Rochelle 
before two notaries. 

Now, as I took leave on Whitsuntide,* of all the principal 
men to whose prayers I commended myself, and also to those 
of all others, I said to him in their presence that if what he had 
previously said was not true he must not give me the trouble 
to undertake the journey, which involved many dangers. 
Again he affirmed all that he had said, on peril of his 
fife. 

Accordingly, our canoes being laden with some provisions, 
our arms, and a few articles of merchandise for making presents 
to the savages, I set out on Monday the 27th of May, from 
Isle St. Helene with four Frenchmen and one savage, a parting 
salute being given me with some rounds from small pieces. 
This day we went only to the Falls of St. Louis, a league up 
the river, the bad weather not allowing us to go any farther. 

On the 29th we passed the Falls, partly by land, partly by 
water, it being necessary for us to carry our canoes, clothes, 
victuals, and arms on our shoulders, no small matter for per- 
sons not accustomed to it. After going two leagues beyond 
the Falls, we entered a lake,^ about twelve leagues in circuit, 
into which three rivers empty; one coming from the west, 
from the direction of the Ochateguins, distant from one 
hundred and fifty to two hundred leagues from the great 
Falls ; ^ another from the south and the country of the Iro- 
quois, a fike distance off;* and the other from the north 

» May 26, 1613. ' The St. Lawrence. 

* Lake St. Louis, * The Chateauguay. 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 237 

and the country of the Algonquins and Nebicerini/ also about 
the same distance.^ This river on the north, according to 
the report of the savages, comes from a source more remote, 
and passes by tribes unknown to them and about three hun- 
dred leagues distant. 

This lake is filled with fine large islands, containing only 
pasturage land, where there is fine hunting, deer and fowl 
being plenty. Fish are abundant. The country bordering 
the lake is covered with extensive forests. We proceeded 
to pass the night at the entrance to this lake, making barri- 
cades against the Iroquois, who roam in these regions in order 
to surprise their enemies; and I am sure that if they were 
to find us they would give us as good a welcome as them, 
for which reason we kept a good watch all night. On the next 
day I took the altitude of the place, and found it in latitude 
45° 18'. About three o'clock in the afternoon we entered the 
river which comes from the north, and, passing a small fall 
by land so as to favor our canoes, we proceeded to a Httle island, 
where we spent the remainder of the night. 

On the last day of May we passed another lake,' seven 
or eight leagues long and three broad, containing several 
islands. The neighboring country is very level, except in some 
places, where there are pine-covered hills. We passed a 
fall called by the inhabitants of the country Quenechouan,* 
which is filled with stones and rocks, and where the water 
runs with great velocity. We had to get into the water and 
drag our canoes along the shore with a rope. Half a league 
from there we passed another Httle fall by rowing, which 
makes one sweat. Great skill is required in passing these 
falls, in order to avoid the eddies and surf, in which they 
abound; but the savages do this with the greatest possible 
dexterity, winding about and going by the easiest places, 
which they recognize at a glance. 

On Saturday, the 1st of June, we passed two other falls; 
the first half a league long, the second a league, in which we 

* The Nipissings. ^ The Ottawa. ^ Lake of Two Mountains. 

* The first of a series now known as the Long Sault. 



238 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

had much difficulty ; for the rapidity of the current is so great 
that it makes a frightful noise, and produces, as it descends 
from stage to stage, so white a foam everywhere that the 
water cannot be seen at all. This fall is strewn with rocks, 
and contains some islands here and there covered with pines 
and white cedars. This was the place where we had a hard 
time; for, not being able to carry our canoes by land on ac- 
count of the density of the wood, we had to drag them in the 
water with ropes, and in drawing mine I came near losing my 
hfe, as it crossed into one of the eddies, and if I had not had the 
good fortune to fall between two rocks the canoe would have 
dragged me in, inasmuch as I was unable to undo quickly 
enough the rope which was wound around my hand, and which 
hurt me severely and came near cutting it off. In this danger 
I cried to God and began to pull my canoe, which was returned 
to me by the refluent water, such as occurs in these falls. 
Having thus escaped I thanked God, begging Him to preserve 
us. Later our savage came to help me, but I was out of danger. 
It is not strange that I was desirous of preserving my canoe, 
for if it had been lost it would have been necessary to remain, 
or wait until some savages came that way, a poor hope for 
those who have nothing to dine on, and who are not accustomed 
to such hardship. As for our Frenchmen, they did not have 
any better luck, and several times came near losing their 
lives ; but the Divine Goodness preserved us all. During the 
remainder of the day we rested, having done enough. 

The next day we fell in with fifteen canoes of savages 
called Quenongebin,^ in a river, after we had passed a small 
lake, four leagues long and two broad. They had been informed 
of my coming by those who had passed the Falls of St. Louis, 
on their way from the war with the Iroquois. I was very glad 
to meet them, as were they also to meet me, but they were 
astonished to see me in this country with so few companions, 
and with only one savage. Accordingly, after saluting each 
other after the manner of the country, I desired them not to 

* An Algonquin nation situated south of AUumette Island. (LaverdiSre .) 



1613] THE VOYAGE OE 1613 239 

go any farther until I had informed them of my plan. To 
this they assented, and we encamped on an island. 

The next day I explained to them that I was on my way 
to their country to visit them, and fulfil the promise I had 
previously made them, and that if they had determined to 
go to the war it would be very agreeable to me, inasmuch as 
I had brought some companions with this view, at which they 
were greatly pleased ; and having told them that I wished to 
go farther in order to notify the other tribes, they wanted to 
deter me, saying that the way was bad, and that we had seen 
nothing up to this point. Wherefore I asked them to give me 
one of their number to take charge of our second canoe, and 
also to serve us as guide, since our conductors were not ac- 
quainted any farther. This they did wilHngly, and in return 
I made them a present and gave them one of our Frenchmen, 
the least indispensable, whom I sent back to the Falls with a 
leaf of my note-book, on which for want of paper I made a 
report of myself. 

Thus we parted, and continuing our course up the river 
we found another one, very fair, and broad, which comes 
from a nation called Ouescharini,^ who hve north of it, a 
distance of four days' journey from the mouth. This river 
is very pleasant in consequence of the fine islands it contains, 
and the fair and open woods with which its shores are bordered. 
The land is very good for tillage. 

On the fourth day we passed near another river coming 
from the north, where tribes called Algonquins hve. This 
river falls into the great river St. Lawrence, three leagues 
below the Falls of St. Louis, forming a large island of nearly 
forty leagues.^ This river is not broad, but filled with a 

* Subsequently called the Little Nation of the Algonquins, living on 
the Riviere de la Petite Nation. (Laverdiere.) 

^ This passage as it stands in Champlain's text, here and in the edition 
of 1632, cannot be squared with the facts of Canadian geography. Laver- 
diere's conjecture. III. 299, note 3, is almost certainly correct. It is that 
the original reading was not "laquelle [the Gatineau] va tomber," but, 
"laquelle va joindre dans les terres une autre riviere [the St. Maurice] qui va 
tomber 30 heues [instead of 3] aval le saut St. Louys," and that the com- 



240 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

countless number of falls, very hard to pass. Sometimes 
these tribes go by way of this river in order to avoid encoun- 
ters with their enemies, knowing that they will not try to find 
them in places so difficult of access. 

Where this river has its debouchure is another coming from 
the south,^ at the mouth of which is a marvellous fall. For 
it descends a height of twenty or twenty-five fathoms with 
such impetuosity that it makes an arch nearly four hundred 
paces broad. The savages take pleasure in passing under it, 
not wetting themselves, except from the spray that is thrown 
off. There is an island in the middle of the river which, hke 
all the country round about, is covered with pines and white 
cedars. When the savages desire to enter the river they 
ascend the mountain, carrying their canoes, and go half a 
league by land. The neighboring country is filled with all 
sorts of game, so that the savages often make a stop here. 
The Iroquois also go there sometimes and surprise them while 
making the passage. 

We passed a fall ^ a league from there, which is half a 
league broad, and has a descent of six or seven fathoms. There 
are many httle islands, which are, however, nothing more 
than rough and dangerous rocks covered with a poor sort of 
brushwood. The water falls in one place with such force 
upon a rock that it has hollowed out in course of time a large 
and deep basin, in which the water has a circular motion 
and forms large eddies in the middle, so that the savages 
call it Asticou, which signifies boiler.^ This cataract pro- 
duces such a noise in this basin that it is heard for more than 
two leagues. The savages when passing here observe a cere- 
mony which we shall speak of in its place. We had much 

positor's eye passed from va to va, omitting the words italicized above or 
their equivalents. This would meet the geographical facts and make good 
sense, for the upper waters of the Gatineau connect closely with an affluent 
of the St. Maurice. 

^ The Rideau, at the mouth of which, close by Ottawa, is Green Island. 
The fall is really only 40 or 45 feet in height. 

'The Chaudiere Falls, just above the present city of Ottawa. 

' The French name Chaudibre has a similar meaning. 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 241 

trouble in ascending by rowing against a strong current, in 
order to reach the foot of the fall. Here the savages took 
their canoes, my Frenchmen and myself our arms, provisions, 
and other necessaries, and we passed over the rough rocks 
for the distance of about a quarter of a league, the extent of 
the fall. Then we embarked, being obhged afterwards to 
land a second time and go about three hundred paces through 
copse-wood, after which we got into the water in order to get 
our canoes over the sharp rocks, the trouble attending which 
may be imagined. I took the altitude of this place, which I 
foimd to be in latitude 45° 38'. 

In the afternoon we entered a lake,^ five leagues long and 
two wide, in which there are very fine islands covered with 
vines, nut-trees, and other excellent kinds of trees. Ten or 
twelve leagues above we passed some islands covered with 
pines. The land is sandy, and there is found here a root 
which dyes a crimson color, with which the savages paint 
their faces, as also Httle gewgaws after their manner. There 
is also a mountain range along this river, and the surround- 
ing country seems to be very impromising. The rest of the 
day w^e passed on a very pleasant island. 

The next day we proceeded on our course to a great fall, 
nearly three leagues broad, in which the water falls a height 
of ten or twelve fathoms in a slope, making a marvellous 
noise.^ It is filled with a vast number of islands, covered 
with pines and cedars. In order to pass it we were obliged 
to give up our maize or Indian corn, and some few other pro- 
visions we had, together with our least necessary clothes, 
retaining only our arms and hues, to afford us means of sup- 
port from hunting and fishing as place and luck might per- 
mit. Thus Hghtened we passed, sometimes rowing, sometimes 
carrying our canoes and arms by land, the fall, which is a 
league and a half long, and in which our savages, who are 
indefatigable in this work and accustomed to endure such 
hardships, aided us greatly. 

* Chaudiere Lake, an expansion of the Ottawa River. 
^ Rapide des Chats, from the raccoons {chats sauvages). 



242 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

Continuing our course, we passed two other falls, one by 
land, the other with oar and poles standing up. Then we 
entered a lake,^ six or seven leagues long, into which flows 
a river coming from the south,^ on which at a distance of 
five days' journey from the other river live a people called 
Matou-ouescarini. The lands about the before-mentioned 
lake are sandy and covered with pines, which have been al- 
most entirely burned down by the savages. There are some 
islands, in one of which we rested ourselves. Here we saw 
a number of fine red cjrpresses, the first I had seen in this 
country, out of which I made a cross, which I planted at one 
end of the island, on an elevated and conspicuous spot, with 
the arms of France, as I had done in other places where we had 
stopped. I called this island Sainte Croix. 

On the 6th we set out from this island of St. Croix, where 
the river is a league and a half broad, and having made eight 
or ten leagues we passed a small fall by oar, and a number 
of islands of various sizes. Here our savages left the sacks 
containing their provisions and their less necessary articles, 
in order to be Hghter for going overland and avoiding several 
falls which it was necessary to pass. There was a great dis- 
pute between our savages and our impostor, who affirmed 
that there was no danger by way of the falls, and that we 
ought to go that way. Our savages said to him. You are 
tired of living, and to me, that I ought not to befieve him, and 
that he did not tell the truth. Accordingly, having several 
times observed that he had no knowledge of the places, I fol- 
lowed the advice of the savages, which was fortunate for me, 
for he sought for dangers in order to ruin me or to disgust me 
with the undertaking, as he has since confessed, a statement 
of which will be given hereafter. We crossed accordingly 
towards the west of the river, which extended northward. 
I took the altitude of this place and found it in latitude 46° 40'. 
We had much difficulty in going this distance overland. I, 
for my part, was loaded only with three arquebuses, as many 
oars, my cloak, and some small articles. I cheered on our 

^ Lake des Chats. * The Madawaska. 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 243 

men, who were somewhat more heavily loaded, but more 
troubled by the mosquitoes than by their loads. Thus after 
passing four small ponds and having gone a distance of two 
and a half leagues, we were so wearied that it was impossible 
to go farther, not having eaten for twenty-four hours anything 
but a httle broiled fish without seasoning, for we had left our 
provisions behind, as I mentioned before. Accordingly we 
rested on the border of a pond, which was very pleasant, 
and made a fire to drive away the mosquitoes, which annoyed 
us greatly, whose persistency is so marvellous that one cannot 
describe it. Here we cast our fines to catch some fish. 

The next day we passed this pond, which was perhaps a 
league long. Then we went by land three leagues through 
a country worse than we had yet seen, since the winds had 
blown down the pines on top of each other. This was no 
sfight inconvenience, as it was necessary to go now over, now 
under, these trees. In this way we reached a lake, six leagues 
long and two wide,^ very abundant in fish, the neighboring 
people doing their fishing there. Near this lake is a settle- 
ment of savages, who till the soil and gather harvests of maize. 
Their chief is named Nibachis, who came to visit us with his 
followers, astonished that we could have passed the falls and 
bad roads in order to reach them. After offering us tobacco, 
according to their custom, he began to address his companions, 
saying, that we must have fallen from the clouds, for he knew 
not how we could have made the journey, and that they who 
hved in the country had much trouble in traversing these 
bad ways: and he gave them to imderstand that I accom- 
pfished all that I set my mind upon ; in short, that he beheved 
respecting me all that the other savages had told him. Aware 

^ Muskrat Lake. In this neighborhood was found in 1867 an astro- 
labe with the date 1603, probably lost by Champlain during this expedition. 
The astrolabe, an instrument for taking the altitude of the sun or stars, has 
long since been superseded by the quadrant or sextant. It is observable 
that after this point Champlain no longer states the latitude in degrees and 
minutes, according to his previous custom, but only in degrees. His lati- 
tudes, it may be well to observe, are throughout this expedition overstated 
by somewhat more than a degree. 



244 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

that we were hungry, he gave us some fish, which we ate, and 
after our meal I explained to him, through Thomas, our inter- 
preter, the pleasure I had in meeting them, that I had come 
to this country to assist them in their wars, and that I desired 
to go still farther to see some other chiefs for the same object, 
at which they were glad and promised me assistance. They 
showed me their gardens and the fields, where they had maize. 
Their soil is sandy, for which reason they devote themselves 
more to hunting than to tillage, unlike the Ochateguins. 
When they wish to make a piece of land arable, they burn 
down the trees, which is very easily done, as they are all pines, 
and filled with rosin. The trees having been burned, they dig 
up the ground a httle, and plant their maize kernel by kernel, 
like those in Florida. At the time I was there it was only 
four fingers high. 

Chapter 4 

Continuation. Arrival at the abode of Tessouat, and his 
favorable reception of me. Character of their cemeteries. 
The savages promise me four canoes for continuing 
my journey; which they however shortly after refuse. 
Address of the savages to dissuade me from my under- 
taking, in which they represent its difficulties. My 
reply to these objections. Tessouat accuses my guide 
of lying, and of not having been where he said he had. 
The latter maintains his veracity. I urge them to give 
me canoes. Several refusals. My guide convicted of 
falsehood, and his confession. 

Nibachis had two canoes fitted out, to conduct me to 
another chief, named Tessouat, who Hved eight leagues from 
him, on the border of a great lake, through which flows the 
river which we had left, and which extends northward. Ac- 
cordingly, we crossed the lake in a west-northwesterly direc- 
tion, a distance of nearly seven leagues. Landing there, we 
went a league towards the northeast through a very fine coun- 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 245 

try, where are small beaten paths, along which one can go 
easily. Thus we arrived on the shore of the lake,^ where the 
dwelhng of Tessoiiat was. He was accompanied by a neigh- 
boring chieftain, and was greatly amazed to see me, saying 
that he thought I was a dream, and that he did not beheve his 
eyes. Thence we crossed on to an island, where their cabins 
are, which are poorly constructed out of the bark of trees. 
The island is covered with oaks, pines, and elms, and is not 
subject to inundations, hke the other islands in the lake. 

This island is strongly situated; for at its two ends, and 
where the river enters the lake, there are troublesome falls, 
the roughness of which makes the island difficult of access. 
They have accordingly taken up their abode here in order 
to avoid the pursuit of their enemies. It is in latitude 47°, 
as also the lake, which is twenty leagues long,^ and three or 
four wide. It abounds in fish; the hunting, however, is not 
especially good. 

On visiting the island, I observed their cemeteries, and 
was struck with wonder as I saw sepulchres of a shape hke 
shrines, made of pieces of wood fixed in the ground at a dis- 
tance of about three feet from each other, and intersecting 
at the upper end. On the intersections above they place a 
large piece of wood, and in front another upright piece, on 
which is carved roughly, as would be expected, the figure of 
the male or female interred. If it is a man, they add a shield, 
a sword attached to a handle after their manner, a mace, and 
bow and arrows. If it is a chief, there is a plume on his head, 
and some other matachia or embelhshment. If it is a child, 
they give it a bow and arrow ; if a woman or girl, a boiler, an 
earthen vessel, a wooden spoon, and an oar. The entire sepul- 
chre is six or seven feet long at most, and four wide ; others 

* Lake AUumette, an expansion of the Ottawa on the southern side of 
Allumette Island. The name Algonquin, afterwards applied in a generic 
sense to a large and scattered family of cognate tribes, seems originally to 
have been restricted to the inhabitants of this island, whose strategic position 
enabled them to play a large part in the early history of the colony. 

' In his edition of 1632 Champlain alters this to ten. It is now about 
fifteen miles by four. 



246 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

are smaller. They are painted yellow and red, with various 
ornaments as neatly done as the carving. The deceased is 
buried with his dress of beaver or other skins which he wore 
when hving, and they lay by his side all his possessions, as 
hatchets, knives, boilers, and awls, so that these things may 
serve him in the land whither he goes ; for they beheve in the 
immortality of the soul, as I have elsewhere observed. These 
carved sepulchres are only made for the warriors ; for in respect 
to others they add no more than in the case of women, who 
are considered a useless class, accordingly but httle is added 
in their case. 

Observing the poor quaUty of the soil, I asked them what 
pleasure they took in cultivating land so unpromising, since 
there was some much better, which they left barren and 
waste, as at the Falls of St. Louis. They answered that they 
were forced to do so in order to dwell in security, and that 
the roughness of the locahty served them as a defence against 
their enemies. But they said that if I would make a settle- 
ment of French at the Falls of St. Louis, as I had promised, 
they would leave their abode and go and hve near us, confi- 
dent that their enemies would do them no harm while we 
were with them. I told them that we would this year col- 
lect wood and stone in order the coming year to build a fort 
and cultivate the land; upon hearing which they raised a 
great cry of applause. This conference having been finished, 
I asked all the chiefs and prominent men among them to 
assemble the next day on the main land, at the cabin of Tes- 
soiiat, who purposed to celebrate a tahagie in my honor, adding 
that I would there tell them my plans. This they promised, 
and sent word to their neighbors to convene at the appointed 
place. 

The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer 
and wooden spoon. They seated themselves without order 
or ceremony on the ground in the cabin of Tessoiiat, who 
distributed to them a kind of broth made of maize crushed 
between two stones, together with meat and fish which was 
cut into Httle pieces, the whole being boiled together without 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 247 

salt. They also had meat roasted on coals, and fish boiled 
apart, which he also distributed. In respect to myself, as I did 
not wish any of their chowder, which they prepare in a very 
dirty manner, I asked them for some fish and meat, that I 
might prepare it my own way, which they gave me. For drink, 
we had fine clear water. Tessotiat, who gave the tdbagie, 
entertained us without eating himself, according to their 
custom. 

The tabagie being over, the young men, who are not present 
at the harangues and councils, and who during the tahagies 
remain at the door of the cabins, withdrew, when all who 
remained began to fill their pipes, one and another offering 
me one. We then spent a full half -hour in this occupation, 
not a word being spoken, as is their custom. 

After smoking amply during so long a period of silence, 
I explained to them, through my interpreter, that the object 
of my journey was none other than to assure them of my 
friendship, and of the desire I had to assist them in their wars, 
as I had before done ; that I had been prevented from com- 
ing the preceding year, as I had promised them, because the 
King had employed me in other wars, but that now he had 
ordered me to visit them and to fulfil my promises, and that 
for this purpose I had a number of men at the Falls of St. 
Louis. I told them that I was making an excursion in their 
territory to observe the fertility of their soil, their lakes and 
rivers, and the sea which they had told me was in their coun- 
try ; and that I desired to see a tribe distant six days' journey 
from them, called the Nebicerini,^ in order to invite them also 
to the war, and accordingly I asked them to give me four canoes 
with eight savages to guide me to these lands. And since the 
Algonquins are not great friends of the Nebicerini, they seemed 
to hsten to me with greater attention. 

After I had finished my discourse, they began again to 
smoke, and to confer among themselves in a very low voice 
respecting my propositions. Then Tessoiiat in behalf of all 

^ The Nipissings, on the border of Lake Nipissing, a tribe famed for 
sorcery. 



248 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

the rest began and said, that they had always regarded me more 
friendly towards them than any Frenchman they had seen; 
that the proofs they had of this in the past made their con- 
fidence easier for the future: moreover, that I had shown 
myself in reaUty their friend, by encountering so many risks 
in coming to see them and invite them to the war, and that 
all these considerations obHged them to feel as kindly dis- 
posed towards me as towards their own children. But they 
said that I had the preceding year broken my promise, that 
two thousand savages had gone to the Falls with the expecta- 
tion of finding me ready to go to the war, and making me pres- 
ents, but that they had not found me and were greatly saddened, 
supposing that I was dead, as some persons had told them. 
He said also, that the French who were at the Falls did not 
want to help them in their wars, that they had been badly 
treated by certain ones, so that they had resolved among them- 
selves not to go to the Falls again, and that this had caused 
them, as they did not expect to see me again, to go alone to 
the war, and that in fact twelve hundred of them had already 
gone. And since the greater part of their warriors were absent, 
they begged me to postpone the expedition to the following 
year, saying that they would communicate the matter to all 
the people of their country. In regard to the four canoes, 
which I asked for, they granted them to me, but with great 
reluctance, telhng me that they were greatly displeased at the 
idea of such an undertaking, in view of the hardships which I 
would endure ; that the people there were sorcerers, that they 
had caused the death of many of their own tribe by charms 
and poisoning, on which account they were not their friends : 
moreover they said that, as it regards war, I was not to think 
of them, as they were httle-hearted. With these and many 
other considerations they endeavored to deter me from my 
purpose. 

But my sole desire on the other hand was to see this people, 
and enter into friendship with them, so that I might visit 
the North Sea. Accordingly, with a view to lessening the 
force of their objections, I said to them, that it was not far 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 249 

to the country in question; that the bad roads could not be 
worse than those I had already passed ; that their witchcraft 
would have no power to harm me, as my God would preserve 
me from them; that I was also acquainted with their herbs, 
and would therefore beware of eating them ; that I desired to 
make the two tribes mutual friends, and that I would to this 
end make presents to the other tribe, being assured that they 
would do something for me. In view of these reasons they 
granted me, as I have said, four canoes, at which I was very 
happy, forgetting all past hardships in the hope of seeing this 
sea, as I so much desired. 

For the remainder of the day, I went out walking in their 
gardens, which were filled with squashes, beans, and our 
peas, which they were beginning to cultivate, when Thomas, 
my interpreter, who understands the language very well, 
came to inform me that the savages, after I had left them, 
had come to the conclusion, that if I were to undertake this 
journey I should die and they also, and that they could not 
furnish the promised canoes, as there was no one of them who 
would guide me, but that they wished me to postpone the 
journey imtil the next year, when they would conduct me with 
a good train to protect me from that people, in case they should 
attempt to harm me, as they are evil-disposed. 

This intelhgence greatly disturbed me, and I at once went 
to them and told them, that up to this day I had regarded 
them as men and truthful persons, but that now they had 
shown themselves children and hars, and that if they would 
not fulfil their promises, they would fail to show me their 
friendship ; that, however, if they felt it an inconvenience to 
give me four canoes, they should only furnish two and four 
savages. 

They represented to me anew the difficulties attending the 
journey, the number of the falls, the bad character of the 
people, and that their reason for refusing my request was 
their fear of losing me. 

I replied that I was sorry to have them show themselves 
to so shght an extent my friends, and that I should never 



250 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

have believed it; that I had a young man, showing them 
my impostor, who had been in their country, and had not 
found all these difficulties which they represented, nor the 
people in question so bad as they asserted. Then they began 
to look at him, in particular Tessoiiat the old captain, with 
whom he had passed the winter, and calling him by name 
he said to him in his language : Nicholas, is it true that you 
said you were among the Nebicerini ? It was long before he 
spoke, when he said to them in their language, which he spoke 
to a certain extent: Yes, I was there. They immediately 
looked at him awry, and throwing themselves upon him, as 
if they would eat him up or tear him in pieces, raised loud 
cries, when Tessotiat said to him : You are a downright har, 
you know well that you slept at my side every night with my 
children, where you arose every morning ; if you were among 
the people mentioned, it was while sleeping. How could you 
have been so bold as to lead your chief to beUeve Ues, and so 
wicked as to be willing to expose his hf e to so many dangers ? 
You are a worthless fellow, and he ought to put you to death 
more cruelly than we do our enemies. I am not astonished 
that he should so importune us on the assurance of your words. 

I at once told him that he must reply to these people; 
and since he had been in the regions indicated, that he must 
give me proofs of it, and free me from the suspense in which 
he had placed me. But he remained silent and greatly ter- 
rified. 

I immediately withdrew him from the savages, and con- 
jured him to declare the truth of the matter, telhng him that, 
if he had seen the sea in question, I would give him the re- 
ward which I had promised him, and that, if he had not seen 
it, he must tell me so without causing me farther trouble. 
Again he affirmed with oaths all he had before said, and that 
he would demonstrate to me the truth of it, if the savages 
would give us canoes. 

Upon this, Thomas came and informed me, that the sav- 
ages of the island had secretly sent a canoe to the Nebicerini, 
to notify them of my arrival. Thereupon, in order to profit 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 251 

by the opportunity, I went to the savages to tell them, that 
I had dreamed the past night that they purposed to send a 
canoe to the Nebicerini without notifying me of it, at which 
I was greatly surprised, since they knew that I was desirous 
of going there. Upon which they rephed that I did them a 
great wrong in trusting a liar, who wanted to cause my death, 
more than so many brave chiefs, who were my friends and 
who held my Ufe dear. I repUed that my man, meaning our 
impostor, had been in the aforesaid country with one of the 
relatives of Tessoiiat and had seen the sea, the wreck and ruins 
of an Enghsh vessel, together with eighty scalps which the 
savages had in their possession, and a young Enghsh boy whom 
they held as prisoner, and whom they wished to give me as a 
present. 

When they heard me speak of the sea, vessels, scalps of 
the Enghsh, and the young prisoner, they cried out more than 
before that he was a liar, and thus they afterwards called him, 
as if it were the greatest insult they could have done him, 
and they all united in saying that he ought to be put to death, 
or else that he should tell with whom he had gone to the place 
indicated, and state the lakes, rivers, and roads, by which he 
had gone. To this he rephed with assurance, that he had 
forgotten the name of the savage, although he had stated to 
me his name more than twenty times, and even on the previous 
day. In respect to the pecuharities of the country, he had 
described them in a paper which he had handed me. Then 
I brought forward the map and had it explained to the savages, 
who questioned him in regard to it. To this end he made no 
reply, but rather manifested by his sullen silence his perverse 
nature. 

As my mind was wavering in uncertainty, I withdrew by 
myself, and reflected upon the above-mentioned particulars 
of the voyage of the English, and how the reports of our har 
were quite in conformity with it, also that there was little 
probabihty of this young man's having invented all that, in 
which case he would not have been wilhng to undertake the 
journey, but that it was more probable that he had seen these 



252 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

things, and that his ignorance did not permit him to reply to 
the questions of the savages. To the above is to be added 
the fact that, if the report of the Enghsh be true, the North 
Sea cannot be farther distant from this region than a hundred 
leagues in latitude, for I was in latitude 47° and in longitude 
296°. But it may be that the difficulties attending the passage 
of the falls, the roughness of the mountains covered with snows, 
is the reason why this people have no knowledge of the sea 
in question; indeed they have always said that from the 
country of the Ochateguins it is a journey of thirty-five or 
forty days to the sea, which they see in three places, a thing 
which they have again assured me of this year. But no one 
has spoken to me of this sea on the north, except this har, 
who had given me thereby great pleasure in view of the short- 
ness of the journey. 

Now, when this canoe was ready, I had him summoned into 
the presence of his companions; and after laying before him 
all that had transpired, I told him that any further dissimula- 
tion was out of the question, and that he must say whether 
he had seen these things or not; that I was desirous of im- 
proving the opportunity that presented itself ; that I had for- 
gotten the past ; but that, if I went farther, I would have him 
hung and strangled, which should be his sole reward. After 
meditating by himself, he fell on his knees and asked my pardon, 
declaring that all he had said, both in France and this country, 
in respect to the sea in question was false ; that he had never 
seen it, and that he had never gone farther than the village 
of Tessoiiat ; that he had said these things in order to return to 
Canada. Overcome with wrath at this, I had him removed, 
being unable to endure him any longer in my presence, and 
giving orders to Thomas to inquire into the whole matter in 
detail ; to whom he stated, that he did not beheve that I would 
undertake the journey on account of the dangers, thinking 
that some difficulty would present itself to prevent me from 
going on, as in the case of these savages, who were not disposed 
to lend me canoes; and accordingly that the journey would 
be put off until another year, when he being in France would 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 263 

be rewarded for his discovery ; but that, if I would leave him 
in this country, he would go until he found the sea in question, 
even if he should die in the attempt. These were his words 
as reported to me by Thomas, but they did not give me much 
satisfaction, astounded as I was at the effrontery and mali- 
ciousness of this Har : and I cannot imagine how he could have 
devised this imposition, unless that he had heard of the above- 
mentioned voyage of the Enghsh, and in the hope of some 
reward, as he said, had the temerity to venture on it. 

Shortly after I proceeded to notify the savages, to my 
great regret, of the mahgnity of this har, stating that he had 
confessed the truth ; at which they were deUghted, reproaching 
me with the httle confidence I put in them, who were chiefs 
and my friends, and who always spoke the truth; and who 
said that this Har ought to be put to death, being extremely 
maHcious ; and they added. Do you not see that he meant to 
cause your death. Give him to us, and we promise you that 
he shall not he any more. And as they all went after him 
shouting, their children also shouting still more, I forbade them 
to do him any harm, directing them to keep their children also 
from doing so, inasmuch as I wished to take him to the Falls 
to show him to the gentlemen there, to whom he was to bring 
some salt water; and I said that, when I arrived there, I 
would consult as to what should be done with him. 

My journey having been in this manner terminated, and 
without any hope of seeing the sea in this direction, except in 
imagination, I felt a regret that I should not have employed 
my time better, and that I should have had to endure the 
difficulties and hardships, which however I was obhged pa- 
tiently to submit to. If I had gone in another direction, ac- 
cording to the report of the savages, I should have made a 
beginning in a thing which must be postponed to another time. 
At present my only wish being to return, I desired the savages 
to go to the Falls of St. Louis, where there were four vessels 
loaded with all kinds of merchandise, and where they would 
be well treated. This they communicated to all their neigh- 
bors. Before setting out, I made a cross of white cedar, 



254 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

which I planted in a prominent place on the border of the 
lake, with the arms of France, and I begged the savages to 
have the kindness to preserve it, as also those which they 
would find along the ways we had passed ; teUing them that, 
if they broke them, misfortune would befall them, but that, 
if they preserved them, they would not be assaulted by their 
enemies. They promised to do so, and said that I should 
find them when I came to visit them again. 



Chapter 5 

Our return to the Falls. False alarm. Ceremony at the 
Chaudiere Falls. Confession of our liar before all the 
chief men. Our return to France. 

On the 10th of June I took leave of Tessoiiat, a good old 
captain, making him presents, and promising him, if God 
preserved me in health, to come the next year, prepared to go 
to war. He in turn promised to assemble a large number 
by that time, declaring that I should see nothing but savages 
and arms which would please me; he also directed his son 
to go with me for the sake of company. Thus we set 
out with forty canoes, and passed by way of the river we 
had left, which extends northward, and where we went on 
shore in order to cross the lakes. On the way we met nine 
large canoes of the Ouescharini, with forty strong and power- 
ful men, who had come upon the news they had received; 
we also met others, making altogether sixty canoes; and 
we overtook twenty others, who had set out before us, each 
heavily laden with merchandise. 

We passed six or seven falls between the island of the 
Algonquins and the httle fall, where the country was very 
unpleasant. I readily reaHzed that, if we had gone in that 
direction, we should have had much more trouble, and should 
with difficulty have succeeded in getting through: and it 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 255 

was not without reason that the savages opposed our liar, as 
his only object was to cause my ruin. 

Continuing our course ten or twelve leagues below the 
island of the Algonquins, we rested on a very pleasant island, 
which was covered with vines and nut-trees, and where we 
caught some fine fish. About midnight, there arrived two 
canoes, which had been fishing farther off, and which reported 
that they had seen four canoes of their enemies. At once three 
canoes were despatched to reconnoitre, but they returned 
without having seen anything. With this assurance all gave 
themselves up to sleep, excepting the women, who resolved 
to spend the night in their canoes, not feehng at ease on land. 
An hour before dayhght a savage, having dreamed that the 
enemy were attacking them, jumped up and started on a run 
towards the water, in order to escape, shouting, They are kilhng 
me. Those belonging to his band all awoke dumfounded and, 
supposing that they were being pursued by their enemies, 
threw themselves into the water, as did also one of our French- 
men, who supposed that they were being overpowered. At 
this great noise, the rest of us, who were at a distance, were at 
once awakened, and without making farther investigation ran 
towards them: but as we saw them here and there in the 
water, we were greatly surprised, not seeing them pursued 
by their enemies, nor in a state of defence, in case of necessity, 
but only ready to sacrifice themselves. After I had inquired 
of our Frenchman about the cause of this excitement, he 
told me that a savage had had a dream, and that he with the 
rest had thrown themselves into the water in order to escape, 
supposing that they were being attacked. Accordingly, the 
state of the case being ascertained, it all passed off in a laugh. 

Continuing our way, we came to the Chaudiere Falls, 
where the savages went through with the customary ceremony, 
which is as follows. After carrying their canoes to the foot 
of the Fall, they assembled in one spot, where one of them 
takes up a collection with a wooden plate, into which each 
one puts a bit of tobacco. The collection having been made, 
the plate is passed in the midst of the troupe, and all dance 



266 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

about it, singing after their style. Then one of the captains 
makes an harangue, setting forth that for a long time they 
have been accustomed to make this offering, by which means 
they are insured protection against their enemies, that other- 
wise misfortune would befall them, as they are convinced by 
the evil spirit ; and they hve on in this superstition, as in many 
others, as we have said in other places. This done, the maker 
of the harangue takes the plate, and throws the tobacco into 
the midst of the caldron, whereupon they all together raise a 
loud cry. These poor people are so superstitious that they 
would not beUeve it possible for them to make a prosperous 
journey without observing this ceremony at this place, since 
their enemies await them at this portage, not venturing to 
go any farther on account of the difficulty of the journey, 
whence they say they surprise them there, as they have some- 
times done. 

The next day we arrived at an island at the entrance to 
a lake, and seven or eight leagues distant from the great Falls 
of St. Louis. Here while reposing at night we had another 
alarm, the savages supposing that they had seen the canoes 
of their enemies. This led them to make several large fires, 
which I had them put out, representing to them the harm 
which might result, namely, that instead of concealing they 
would disclose themselves. 

On the 17th of June, we arrived at the Falls of St. Louis, 
where I found L'Ange, who had come to meet me in a canoe 
to inform me, that Sieur de Maisonneuve of St. Malo had 
brought a passport from the Prince for three vessels. In 
order to arrange matters until I should see him, I assembled 
all the savages and informed them that I did not wish them 
to traffic in any merchandise until I had given them per- 
mission, and that I would furnish them provisions as soon as 
we should arrive ; which they promised, saying that they were 
my friends. Thus, continuing our course, we arrived at the 
barques, where we were saluted by some discharges of cannon, 
at which some of our savages were dehghted, and others 
greatly astonished, never having heard such music. After I 



1613] THE VOYAGE OF 1613 257 

had landed, Maisonneuve ^ came to me with the passport of 
the Prince. As soon as I had seen it, I allowed him and his 
men to enjoy the benefits of it hke the rest of us ; and I sent 
word to the savages that they might trade on the next day. 

After seeing all the chief men and relating the particulars 
of my journey and the mahce of my liar, at which they were 
greatly amazed, I begged them to assemble, in order that in 
their presence, and that of the savages and his companions, 
he might make declaration of his mahciousness ; which they 
gladly did. Being thus assembled, they summoned him, and 
asked him, why he had not shown me the sea in the north, 
as he had promised me at his departure. He repUed that 
he had promised something impossible for him, since he had 
never seen the sea, and that the desire of making the journey 
had led him to say what he did, also that he did not suppose 
that I would undertake it ; and he begged them to be pleased 
to pardon him, as he also begged me again, confessing that he 
had greatly offended, and if I would leave him in the country, 
he would by his efforts repair the offence, and see this sea, 
and bring back trustworthy inteUigence concerning it the fol- 
lowing year ; and in view of certain considerations I pardoned 
him on this condition. 

After relating to them in detail the good treatment I had 
received at the abodes of the savages, and how I had been 
occupied each day, I inquired what they had done during 
my absence, and what had been the result of their hunting 
excursions, and they said they had had such success that they 
generally brought home six stags. Once on St. Barnabas 's 
day,^ Sieur du Pare, having gone himting with two others, 
killed nine. These stags are not at all Hke ours, and there 
are different kinds of them, some larger, others smaller, which 
resemble closely our deer. They had also a very large num- 
ber of pigeons, and also fish, such as pike, carp, sturgeon, 
shad, barbel, turtles, bass, and other kinds unknown to us, 

* Paul de Chomedy, Sieur de Maisonneuve, founded Montreal on this 
spot in 1642. His permit was from the Prince of Cond6. 
'June 11. 



258 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1613 

on which they dined and supped every day. They were also 
all in better condition than myself, who was reduced from 
work and the anxiety which I had experienced, not having 
eaten more than once a day, and that of fish badly cooked 
and half broiled. 

On the 22d of June, about 8 o'clock in the evening, the 
savages sounded an alarm because one of them had dreamed 
he had seen the Iroquois. In order to content them, all the 
men took their arms, and some were sent to their cabins to 
reassure them, and into the approaches to reconnoitre, so 
that, finding it was a false alarm, they were satisfied with 
the firing of some two hundred musket and arquebus shots, 
after which arms were laid down, the ordinary guard only 
being left. This reassured them greatly, and they were very 
glad to see the French ready to help them. 

After the savages had bartered their articles of merchan- 
dise and had resolved to return, I asked them to take with 
them two young men, to treat them in a friendly manner, 
show them the country, and bind themselves to bring them 
back. But they strongly objected to this, representing to me 
the trouble our Har had given me, and fearing that they would 
bring me false reports, as he had done. I rephed that they 
were men of probity and truth, and that if they would not take 
them they were not my friends, whereupon they resolved to 
do so. As for our liar, none of the savages wanted him, not- 
withstanding my request to them to take him, and we left 
him to the mercy of God. 

Finding that I had no further business in this country, I 
resolved to cross in the first vessel that should return to France. 
Sieur de Maisonneuve, having his ready, offered me a passage, 
which I accepted ; and on the 27th of June I set out with Sieur 
L'Ange from the Falls, where we left the other vessels, which 
were awaiting the return of the savages who had gone to the 
war, and we arrived at Tadoussac on the 6th of July. 

On the 8th of August ^ we were enabled by favorable 
weather to set sail. On the 18th we left Gasp 6 and Isle Percee. 
* July must be meant. 



1613] 



THE VOYAGE OF 1613 259 



On the 28th we were on the Grand Bank, where the green 
fishery is carried on, and where we took as many fish as we 

wanted. 

On the 26th of August we arrived at St. Malo, where I 
saw the merchants, to whom I represented the ease of forming 
a good association in the future, which they resolved to do, 
as those of Rouen and La Rochelle had done, after recogniz- 
ing the necessity of the regulations, without which it is impos- 
sible to hope for any profit from these lands. May God by 
His grace cause this undertaking to prosper to His honor and 
glory, the conversion of these poor benighted ones, and to the 
welfare and honor of France. 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN NEW 
FRANCE FROM THE YEAR 1615 
TO THE END OF THE 
YEAR 161 8 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN NEW 

FRANCE FROM THE YEAR 1615 

TO THE END OF THE 

YEAR 1618 

BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY 
TO THE KING IN THE WESTERN SEA 

WHERE ARE DESCRIBED THE MANNERS, CUS- 
toms, dress, mode of warfare, hunting, dances, festivals, 
and method of burial of various savage peoples, with 
many remarkable experiences of the author in this coun- 
try, and an account of the beauty, fertility, and temper- 
ature of the same. 

Paris: Claude Collet, in the Palace, at the Gallery of the Pris- 
oners. MDCXIX. With authority of the King} 



TO THE KING 

SiBE, 

This is a third volume^ containing a narrative of what 
has transpired most worthy of note during the voyages I have 
made to New France, and its perusal will, I think, afford your 
Majesty greater pleasure than that of those preceding, which 
only designate the ports, harbors, situations, dechnations, and 
other particulars, having more interest for navigators and 
sailors than for other persons. In this narrative you will be 
able to observe more especially the manners and mode of Hfe 
of these peoples both in particular and in general, their wars, 

* This italic heading is a translation of the title-page of the original of 
1619. 

^ Reckoning the Sauvages of 1604 as the first, the Voyages of 1613 as 
the second, and this, the Voyages et Descouvertures of 1619, as the third. 

263 



264 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAm 

ammunition, method of attack and of defence, their expeditions 
and retreats in various circumstances, matters about which 
those interested desire information. You will perceive also 
that they are not savages to such an extent that they could not 
in course of time and through association with others become 
civihzed and cultivated. You will hkewise perceive how 
great hopes we cherish from the long and arduous labors we 
have for the past fifteen years sustained, in order to plant in 
this country the standard of the cross, and to teach the people 
the knowledge of God and the glory of His holy name, it being 
our desire to cultivate a feehng of charity towards His unfortu- 
nate creatures, which it is our duty to practise more patiently 
than any other thing, especially as there are many who have 
not entertained such purposes, but have been influenced only 
by the desire of gain. Nevertheless, we may, I suppose, be- 
heve that these are the means which God makes use of for the 
greater promotion of the holy desire of others. As the fruits 
which the trees bear are from God, the Lord of the soil, who 
has planted, watered, and nourished them with an especial 
care, so your Majesty can be called the legitimate lord of our 
labors, and the good resulting from them, not only because the 
land belongs to you, but also because you have protected us 
against so many persons, whose only object has been bytroubhng 
us to prevent the success of so holy a determination, taking 
from us the power to trade freely in a part of your country, 
and striving to bring everything into confusion, which would 
be, in a word, preparing the way for the ruin of everything 
to the injury of your state. To this end your subjects have 
employed every conceivable artifice and all possible means 
which they thought could injure us. But all these efforts 
have been thwarted by your Majesty, assisted by your prudent 
council, who have given us the authority of your name, and 
supported us by your decrees rendered in our favor. This 
is an occasion for increasing in us our long-cherished desire 
to send communities and colonies there, to teach the people 
the knowledge of God, and inform them of the glory and tri- 
imaphs of your Majesty, so that together with the French Ian- 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, 1615-1618 265 

guage they may also acquire a French heart and spirit, which, 
next to the fear of God, will be inspired with nothing so ar- 
dently as the desire to serve you. Should our design succeed, 
the glory of it will be due, after God, to your Majesty, who will 
receive a thousand benedictions from Heaven for so many 
souls saved by your instrumentality, and your name will 
be immortahzed for carrying the glory and sceptre of the 
French as far to the Occident as your precursors have extended 
it to the Orient, and over the entire habitable earth. This 
will augment the quahty of Most Christian belonging to 
you above all the kings of the earth, and show that it is as 
much your due by merit as it is your own of right, it having 
been transmitted to you by your predecessors, who acquired 
it by their virtues ; for you have been pleased, in addition to 
so many other important affairs, to give your attention to 
this one, so seriously neglected hitherto, God's special grace 
reserving to your reign the pubhcation of His gospel, and the 
knowledge of His holy name to so many tribes who had never 
heard of it. And some day may God's grace lead them, as it 
does us, to pray to Him without ceasing to extend your empire, 
and to vouchsafe a thousand blessings to your Majesty. 
Sire, 

Your most humble, most faithful, 

and most obedient servant and subject, 

Champlain. 

PREFACE 

As in the various affairs of the world each thing strives 
for its perfection and the preservation of its being, so on the 
other hand does man interest himself in the different concerns 
of others on some account, either for the pubUc good, or to 
acquire, apart from the common interest, praise, and reputa- 
tion with some profit. Wherefore many have pursued this 
course, but as for myself I have made choice of the most un- 
pleasant and difficult one of the perilous navigation of the 
seas; with the purpose, however, not so much of gaining 



266 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 

wealth, as the honor and glory of God in behalf of my King 
and country, and contributing by my labors something useful 
to the pubhc good. And I make declaration that I have 
not been tempted by any other ambition, as can be clearly 
perceived, not only by my conduct in the past, but also by 
the narratives of my voyages, made by the command of His 
Majesty, in New France, contained in my first and second 
books, as may be seen in the same. 

Should God bless our purpose, which aims only for His 
glory, and should any fruit result from our discoveries and 
arduous labors, I will return thanks to Him, and for Your 
Majesty's protection and assistance will continue my prayers 
for the aggrandizement and prolongation of your reign. 



EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE OF THE KING 

By favor and hcense of the King, permission is given to 
Claude Collet, merchant bookseller in our city of Paris, to print, 
or have printed by such printer as shall seem good to him, a 
book entitled, Voyages and Discoveries in New France, from 
the Year 1615 to the End of the Year 1618. By Sieur de Cham- 
plain, Captain in Ordinary to the King in the Western Sea. 
All booksellers and printers of our kingdom are forbidden to 
print or have printed, to sell wholesale or retail, said book, 
except with the consent of said Collet, for the time and term 
of six years, beginning with the day when said book is printed, 
on penalty of confiscation of the copies, and a fine of four him- 
dred livres, a half to go to us and a half to said petitioner. 
It is our will, moreover, that this Hcense should be placed at 
the commencement or end of said book. This is our pleasure. 

Given at Paris, the 18th day of May, 1619, and of our reign 
the tenth. 

By the Council, 

De Cescaud. 



VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN 

TO NEW FRANCE, MADE IN 

THE YEAR 1615 



VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN 

TO NEW FRANCE, MADE IN 

THE YEAR 1615I 

The strong love, which I have always cherished for the 
exploration of New France, has made me desirous of extending 
more and more my travels over the country, in order, by means 
of its numerous rivers, lakes, and streams, to obtain at last 
a complete knowledge of it, and also to become acquainted 
with the inhabitants, with the view of bringing them to 
the knowledge of God. To this end I have toiled constantly 
for the past fourteen or fifteen years, yet have been able to 
advance my designs but Httle, because I have not received 
the assistance which was necessary for the success of such an 
undertaking. Nevertheless, without losing courage, I have 
not ceased to push on, and visit various nations of the savages ; 
and, by associating familiarly with them, I have concluded, 
as well from their conversation as from the knowledge already 
attained, that there is no better way than, disregarding all 
storms and difficulties, to have patience until His Majesty 
shall give the requisite attention to the matter, and meanwhile, 
not only to continue the exploration of the country, but also 
to learn the language, and form relations and friendships with 
the leading men of the villages and tribes, in order to lay the 
foundations of a permanent edifice, as well for the glory of 
God as for the renown of the French. 

And His Majesty having transferred and intrusted the 
superintendence of this work to Monseigneur the Prince de 
Conde, the latter has, by his management, under the authority 
of His Majesty, sustained us against all sorts of jealousies 

* Much to the disappointment of the savages, Champlain did not visit 
Canada during 1614. This was probably due to the civil war which his 
patron Conde was carrying on against the Queen Mother. 

269 



270 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1614 

and obstacles concerted by evil wishers. This has, as it were, 
animated me and redoubled my courage for the continuation 
of my labors in the exploration of New France, and with in- 
creased effort I have pushed forward in my undertaking into 
the mainland, and farther on than I had previously been, 
as will be hereafter indicated in the course of this narrative. 
But it is appropriate to state first that, as I had observed 
in my previous journeys, there were in some places people 
permanently settled, who were fond of the cultivation of the 
soil, but who had neither faith nor law, and Hved without 
God and rehgion, Hke brute beasts. In view of this, I felt 
convinced that I should be committing a grave offence if I 
did not take it upon myself to devise some means of bringing 
them to the knowledge of God. To this end I exerted myself 
to find some good friars, with zeal and affection for the glory 
of God, that I might persuade them to send some one, or go 
themselves, with me to these countries, and try to plant there 
the faith, or at least do what was possible according to their 
calhng, and thus to observe and ascertain whether any good 
fruit could be gathered there. But since to attain this object 
an expenditure would be required exceeding my means, and 
for other reasons, I deferred the matter for a while, in view 
of the difficulties there would be in obtaining what was neces- 
sary and requisite in such an enterprise; and since, further- 
more, no persons offered to contribute to it. Nevertheless, 
while continuing my search, and communicating my plan to 
various persons, a man of distinction chanced to present him- 
self, whose intimate acquaintance I enjoyed. This was Sieur 
Hotiel, secretary of the King and controller-general of the salt 
works at Brouage,^ a man of devoted piety, and of great 
zeal and love for the honor of God and the extension of His 
religion . He gave me the following information, which afforded 
me great pleasure. He said that he was acquainted with some 
good rehgious fathers, of the order of the Recollects,^ in whom 
he had confidence; and that he enjoyed such intimacy and 

* The salt marshes in this district are still worked. 
' A branch of the Franciscans. 



1614] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 271 

confidence with them that he could easily induce them to con- 
sent to undertake the voyage; and that, as to the necessary 
means for sending out three or four friars, there would be no 
lack of people of property who would give them what they 
needed, offering for his part to assist them to the extent of 
his abiUty; and, in fact, he wrote in relation to the subject 
to Father du Verger, who welcomed with joy the undertaking, 
and, in accordance with the recommendation of Sieur Hoiiel, 
communicated it to some of his brethren, who, burning with 
charity, offered themselves freely for this holy undertaking. 

Now he was at that time in Saintonge, whence he sent 
two men to Paris with a commission, though not with abso- 
lute power, reserving the rest to the nuncio ^ of our Holy 
Father the Pope, who was at that time, in 1614, in France. 
He called upon these friars at their house in Paris, and was 
greatly pleased with their resolution. We then went all to- 
gether to see the Sieur Nimcio, in order to communicate to 
him the commission, and entreat him to interpose his author- 
ity in the matter. But he, on the contrary, told us that he 
had no power whatever in such matters, and that it was to 
their General that they were to address themselves. Not- 
withstanding this reply, the Recollects, in consideration of 
the difficulty of the mission, were unwilHng to undertake 
the journey on the authority of Father du Verger, fearing 
that it might not be sufficient, and that the commission 
might not be valid, on which account the matter was post- 
poned to the following year. Meanwhile they took counsel, 
and came to a determination, according to which all 
arrangements were made for the undertaking, which was to 
be carried out in the following spring; awaiting which the 
two friars returned to their convent at Brouage. 

I for my part improved the time in arranging my affairs 
in preparation for the voyage. 

Some months after the departure of the two friars, the 
Reverend Father Chapotiin, Provincial of the Recollect Fathers, 
a man of great piety, returned to Paris. Sieur Hoiiel called on 
* Roberto Ubaldini by name. 



272 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [16U 

him, and narrated what had taken place respecting the author- 
ity of Father du Verger, and the mission he had given to the 
Recollect Fathers. After which narrative the Provincial 
Father proceeded to extol the plan, and to interest himseK 
with zeal in it, promising to promote it with all his power, 
and adding that he had not before well comprehended the sub- 
ject of this mission ; and it is to be beheved that God inspired 
him more and more to prosecute the matter. Subsequently, 
he spoke of it to Monseigneur the Prince de Conde, and to all 
the cardinals and bishops who were then assembled at Paris 
for the session of the Estates.^ All of them approved and 
commended the plan; and to show that they were favorably 
disposed towards it, they assured the Sieur Provincial that 
they would devise among themselves and the members of the 
court means for raising a small fund, and that they would col- 
lect some money for assisting four friars to be chosen, and who 
were then chosen for the execution of so holy a work. And 
in order to faciUtate the undertaking, I visited at the Estates 
the cardinals and bishops, and urgently represented to them 
the advantage and usefulness which might one day result, in 
order by my entreaties to move them to give, and cause others 
who might be stimulated by their example to give, contribu- 
tions and presents, leaving all to their good will and judgment. 

The contributions which were made for the expenses of 
this expedition amounted to nearly fifteen himdred hvres, 
which were put into my hands, and then employed, accord- 
ing to the advice and in the presence of the fathers, for the 
purchase of what was necessary, not only for the mainte- 
nance of the fathers who should undertake the journey into 
New France, but also for their clothing, and the attire and 
ornaments necessary for performing divine service. The 
friars were sent on in advance to Honfleur, where their em- 
barkation was to take place. 

Now the fathers who were appointed for this holy enter- 
prise were Father Denis ^ as commissary, Jean d'Olbeau, 

^The great sitting of the States General in 1614, the last before the 
gathering of 1789 which brought on the Revolution. ' Denis Jamay. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 273 

Joseph le Caron, and Pacifique du Plessis/ each of whom 
was moved by a holy zeal and ardor to make the journey, 
through God's grace, in order to see if they might produce 
some good fruit, and plant in these regions the standard of 
Jesus Christ, determined to hve and to die for His holy name, 
should it be necessary to do so and the occasion require it. 
Everjrthing having been prepared, they provided themselves 
with church ornaments, and we with what was necessary for 
our voyage. 

I left Paris the last day of February to meet at Rouen 
our associates, and represent to them the will of Monseigneur 
the Prince, and also his desire that these good fathers should 
make the journey, since he recognized the fact that the affairs 
of the country could hardly reach any perfection or advance- 
ment, if God should not first of all be served ; with which our 
associates were highly pleased, promising to assist the fathers 
to the extent of their abihty, and provide them with the sup- 
port they might need. 

The fathers arrived at Rouen the twentieth of March 
following, where we stayed some time. Thence we went to 
Honfleur to embark, where we also stayed some days, waiting 
for our vessel to be got ready, and loaded with the neces- 
saries for so long a voyage. Meanwhile preparations were 
made in matters of conscience, so that each one of us might 
examine himseK, and cleanse himseK from his sins by peni- 
tence and confession, in order to celebrate the sacrament 
and attain a state of grace, so that, being thereby freer in 
conscience, we might, under the guidance of God, expose our- 
selves to the mercy of the waves of the great and perilous 
sea. 

This done, we embarked on the vessel of the association, 
which was of three hundred and fifty tons burden, and was 
called the Saint Etienne, commanded by Sieur de Pont Grave. 

^ Pacifique du Plessis was a lay-brother, though sometimes given the 
title of Father. For further information concerning the Recollect mission, 
consult Laverdiere, especially IV. 7, 10, and the Histoire du Canada (1636, 
reprinted by Tross, 1866) by Gabriel Sagard, himself a Recollect friax. 



274 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

We departed from Honfleur on the twenty-fourth day of Au- 
gust/ in the above-mentioned year, and set sail with a very 
favorable wind. We continued on our voyage without en- 
countering ice or other dangers, through the mercy of God, 
and in a short time arrived off the place called Tadoussac, 
on the twenty-fifth day of May, when we rendered thanks to 
God for having conducted us so favorably to the harbor of our 
destination. 

Then we began to set men at work to fit up our barques 
in order to go to Quebec, the place of our abode, and to the 
great Falls of St. Louis, the rendezvous of the savages, 
who come there to traffic. 

The barques having been fitted up, we went on board 
with the fathers, one of whom, named Father Joseph, desired, 
without stopping or making any stay at Quebec, to go directly 
to the great Falls, where he saw all the savages and their mode 
of life. This induced him to go and spend the winter in their 
country and that of other tribes who have a fixed abode, not 
only in order to learn their language, but also to see what the 
prospect was of their conversion to Christianity. This reso- 
lution having been formed, he returned to Quebec the twen- 
tieth day of June for some church ornaments and other neces- 
saries. Meanwhile I had stayed at Quebec in order to arrange 
matters relating to our habitation, as the lodgings of the fathers, 
church ornaments, the construction of a chapel for the cele- 
bration of the mass, as also the employment of persons for 
clearing up lands. I embarked for the Falls together with 
Father Denis, who had arrived the same day from Tadoussac 
with Sieur de Pont Grave. 

As to the other friars, viz., Fathers Jean and Pacifique, 
they stayed at Quebec in order to fit up their chapel and 
arrange their lodgings. They were greatly pleased at seeing 
the place so different from what they had imagined, which 
increased their zeal. 

We arrived at the Riviere des Prairies, five leagues below 
the Falls of St. Louis, whither the savages had come down. 

* Sagard says April, which is certainly correct. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 275 

I will not attempt to speak of the pleasure which our fathers 
experienced at seeing, not only so long and large a river, 
filled with many fine islands and bordered by a region appar- 
ently so fertile, but also a great number of strong and robust 
men, with natures not so savage as their manners, nor as they 
acknowledged they had conceived them to be, and very dif- 
ferent from what they had been given to understand, owing 
to their lack of cultivation. I will not enter into a descrip- 
tion of them, but refer the reader to what I have said about 
them in my preceding books, printed in the year 1614/ 

To continue my narrative: We met Father Joseph, who 
was returning to Quebec in order to make preparations, and 
take what he needed for wintering in their country. This 
I did not think advisable at this season, but counselled him 
rather to spend the winter at our settlement as being more 
for his comfort, and undertake the journey when spring came 
or at least in summer, offering to accompany him, and adding 
that by doing so he would not fail to see what he might have 
seen by going, and that by returning and spending the winter 
at Quebec he would have the society of his brothers and others 
who remained at the settlement, by which he would be more 
profited than by staying alone among these people, with whom 
he could not, in my opinion, have much satisfaction. Never- 
theless, in spite of all that could be said to him and all repre- 
sentations, he would not change his purpose, being urged by 
a godly zeal and love for this people, and hoping to make 
known to them their salvation. 

His motive in undertaking this enterprise, as he stated to 
us, was that he thought it was necessary for him to go there 
not only in order to become better acquainted with the char- 
acteristics of the people, but also to learn more easily their 
language. In regard to the difficulties which it was repre- 
sented to him that he would have to encounter in his inter- 
course with them, he felt assured that he could bear and over- 
come them, and that he could adapt himself very well and 

^ The volume bears date 1613, but may not have been actually issued 
till 1614. 



276 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

cheerfully to the manner of hving and the inconveniences 
he would find, through the grace of God, of whose goodness 
and help he felt clearly assured, being convinced that, since 
he went on His service, and since it was for the glory of His 
name, and the preaching of His holy gospel that he undertook 
freely this journey. He would never abandon him in his under- 
taking. And in regard to temporal provisions very Httle 
was needed to satisfy a man who demands nothing but 
perpetual poverty, and who seeks for nothing but heaven, 
not only for himself but also for his brethren, it being 
inconsistent with his rule of hfe to have any other ambition 
than the glory of God, and it being his purpose to endure to 
this end all the hardships, sufferings, and labors which might 
offer. 

Seeing him impelled by so holy a zeal and so ardent a char- 
ity, I was unwilling to try any more to restrain him. Thus 
he set out with the purpose of being the first to announce 
through His holy favor to this people the name of God, having 
the great satisfaction that an opportunity presented itself 
for suffering something for the name and glory of our Saviour 
Jesus Christ. 

As soon as I had arrived at the Falls, I visited the people, 
who were very desirous of seeing us and dehghted at our 
return. They hoped that we would furnish them some of 
our number to assist them in their wars against our enemies, 
representing to us that they could with difficulty come to us 
if we should not assist them ; for the Iroquois, they said, their 
old enemies, were always on the road obstructing their passage. 
Moreover, I had constantly promised to assist them in their 
wars, as they gave us to understand by their interpreter. 
Whereupon Sieur Pont Grave and myself concluded that it 
was very necessary to assist them, not only in order to put them 
the more under obhgations to love us, but also to facilitate 
my undertakings and explorations which, as it seemed, could 
only be accomphshed by their help, and also as this would be 
a preparatory step to their conversion to Christianity. There- 
fore I resolved to go and explore their country and assist 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 277 

them in their wars, in order to obUge them to show me what 
they had so many times promised to do. 

We accordingly caused them all to assemble together, that 
we might communicate to them our intention. When they 
had heard it, they promised to furnish us two thousand five 
hundred and fifty men of war, who would do wonders, with 
the understanding that I with the same end in view should 
furnish as many men as possible. This I promised to do, be- 
ing very glad to see them decide so well. Then I proceeded 
to make known to them the methods to be adopted for fighting, 
in which they took especial pleasure, manifesting a strong 
hope of victory. Everything having been decided upon, we 
separated with the intention of returning for the execution 
of our undertaking. But before entering upon this journey, 
which would require not less than three or four months, it 
seemed desirable that I should go to our settlement to make 
the necessary arrangements there for my absence. 

On the day of following I set out on my 

return to the Riviere des Prairies.^ While there with two 
canoes of savages I met Father Joseph, who was returning 
from our settlement with some church ornaments for cele- 
brating the holy sacrifice of the mass, which was chanted on 
the border of the river with all devotion by the Reverend 
Fathers Denis and Joseph, in presence of all the people, who 
were amazed at seeing the ceremonies observed and the 
ornaments which seemed to them so handsome. It was 
something which they had never before seen, for these Fathers 
were the first who celebrated here the holy mass. 

To return and continue the narrative of my journey: I 
arrived at Quebec on the 26th, where I found the Fathers 
Jean and Pacifique in good health. They on their part did 



He probably left the falls on June 23. The first celebration of the mass 
in New France took place on June 24, the festival of St. John the Baptist. 
(Laverdiere.) It may be safer, despite Champlain's statement below, to 
say the first celebration of the mass since Cartier's time ; for Cartier seems 
to have had priests with him upon his second voyage. Early English and 
French Voyages, p. 53. 



278 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

their duty at that place in getting all things ready. They cele- 
brated the holy mass, which had never been said there before, 
nor had there ever been any priest in this region. 

Having arranged all matters at Quebec, I took with me 
two men and returned to the Riviere des Prairies, in order 
to go with the savages. I left Quebec on the fourth day of 
July, and on the eighth of the month while en route I met 
Sieur du Pont Grave and Father Denis, who were returning 
to Quebec, and who told me that the savages had departed 
greatly disappointed at my not going with them; and that 
many of them declared that we were dead or had been taken 
by the Iroquois, since I was to be gone only four or five days; 
but had been gone ten. This made them and even our own 
Frenchmen give up hope, so much did they long to see us 
again. They told me that Father Joseph had departed with 
twelve Frenchmen, who had been furnished to assist the 
savages. This intelligence troubled me somewhat ; since, if I 
had been there, I should have arranged many things for the 
journey, which I could not now do. I was troubled not only 
on account of the small number of men, but also because 
there were only four or five who were acquainted with the hand- 
ling of arms, while in such an expedition the best are not too 
good in this particular. All this, however, did not cause me 
to lose courage at all for going on with the expedition, on 
account of the desire I had of continuing my explorations. 
I separated accordingly from Sieurs du Pont Grave and Father 
Denis, determined to go on in the two canoes which I had, and 
follow after the savages, having provided myself with what 
I needed. 

On the 9th of the month I embarked with two others, 
namely, one of our interpreters and my man, accompanied 
by ten savages in the two canoes, these being all they could 
carry, as they were heavily loaded and encumbered with 
clothes, which prevented me from taking more men. 

We continued our voyage up the River St. Lawrence some 
six leagues, and then went by the Riviere des Prairies, which 
discharges into that river. Leaving on the left the Falls of 



1615] THE VOYAGE OE 1616 279 

St. Louis, which are five or six leagues higher up, and passing 
several small falls on this river, we entered a lake, after passing 
which we entered the river where I had been before, which 
leads to the Algonquins, a distance of eighty-nine leagues ^ 
from the Falls of St. Louis. Of this river I have made an 
ample description, with an account of my explorations, in 
my preceding book, printed in 1614. For this reason I shall 
not speak of it in this narrative, but pass on directly to the 
lake of the Algonquins.^ Here we entered a river ^ which 
flows into this lake, up which we went some thirty-five leagues, 
passing a large number of falls both by land and water, the 
coimtry being far from attractive, and covered with pines, 
birches, and some oaks, being also very rocky, and in many 
places somewhat hilly. Moreover, it was very barren and ster- 
ile, being but thinly inhabited by certain Algonquin savages, 
called Otaguottouemin, who dwell in the country, and five 
by hunting and the fish they catch in the rivers, ponds, and 
lakes, with which the region is well provided. It seems indeed 
that God has been pleased to give to these forbidding and 
desert lands some things in their season for the refreshment 
of man and the inhabitants of these places. For I assure you 
that there are along the rivers many strawberries, also a mar- 
vellous quantity of blueberries, a httle fruit very good to eat, 
and other small fruits. The people here dry these fruits for 
the winter, as we do plums in France for Lent. We left this 
river,"^ which comes from the north, and by which the savages 
go to the Saguenay ^ to barter their furs for tobacco. This 



^ If this refers to the distance from the Algonquins (i.e., Allumette 
Island) to the Lachine Rapids, he is very nearly correct, as it is just over 
200 miles; if to that between the rapids and the mouth of the Ottawa, or 
the spot where they struck that river after crossing the Lake of Two Moun- 
tains, 89 must be a misprint for 8 or 9. The former explanation is the more 
probable, though Laverdiere and apparently Slafter adopt the latter. 

^ Allumette Lake. 

' The Ottawa. 

* They left the Ottawa, at its junction with the Mattawa. 

* I.e., by ascending the Ottawa and then making a series of short 
portages to the Chamouchouan, which flows into Lake St. John. 



280 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

place is situated in latitude 46°, and is very pleasant, but 
otherwise of little account. 

Continuing our journey by land, after leaving the river of 
the Algonquins, we passed several lakes where the savages 
carry their canoes, and entered the lake of the Nipissings, 
in latitude 46° 15', on the twenty-sixth day of the month, 
having gone by land and the lakes twenty-five leagues, or 
thereabouts. We then arrived at the cabins of the savages, 
with whom we stayed two days. There was a large number 
of them, who gave us a very welcome reception. They are a 
people who cultivate the land but httle. A shows the dress of 
these people as they go to war ; B that of the women,^ which 
differs in nowise from that of the Montagnais and the great 
people of the Algonquins, extending far into the interior. 

During the time that I was with them the chief of this 
tribe and their most prominent men entertained us with 
many banquets according to their custom, and took the 
trouble to go fishing and hunting with me, in order to treat 
me with the greatest courtesy possible. These people are 
very numerous, there being from seven to eight hundred 
souls, who five in general near the lake. This contains a 
large number of very pleasant islands, among others one 
more than six leagues long, with three or four fine ponds and 
a number of fine meadows ; it is bordered by very fine woods, 
that contain an abundance of game, which frequent the Httle 
ponds, where the savages also catch fish. The northern side 
of the lake is very pleasant, with fine meadows for the grazing 
of cattle, and many httle streams, discharging into the lake. 

They were fishing at that time in a lake very abundant in 
various kinds of fish, among others one a foot long that was 
very good. There are also other kinds which the savages 
catch for the purpose of drying and storing away. The lake 
is some eight leagues broad and twenty-five long,^ into which 
a river ^ flows from the northwest, along which they go to 
barter the merchandise, which we give them in exchange for 

^ References to illustrations not reproduced in this volume. 

^ Really about 50 miles by 14. ^ Sturgeon River. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OE 1615 281 

their peltry, with those who live on it, and who support them- 
selves by hunting and fishing, their country containing great 
quantities of animals, birds, and fish. 

After resting two days with the chief of the Nipissings 
we re-embarked in our canoes, and entered a river, ^ by which 
this lake discharges itself. We proceeded down it some 
thirty-five leagues, and descended several httle falls by land 
and by water, until we reached Lake Attigouautan.^ All 
this region is still more unattractive than the preceding, for 
I saw along this river only ten acres of arable land, the rest 
being rocky and very hilly. It is true that near Lake Atti- 
gouautan we found some Indian corn, but only in small quan- 
tity. Here our savages proceeded to gather some squashes, 
which were acceptable to us, for our provisions began to give 
out in consequence of the bad management of the savages, 
who ate so heartily at the beginning that towards the end 
very httle was left, although we had only one meal a day. 
But, as I have mentioned before, we did not lack for blue- 
berries and strawberries; otherwise we should have been in 
danger of being reduced to straits. 

We met three hundred men of a tribe we named Cheveux 
Releves,^ since their hair is very high and carefully arranged, 
and better dressed beyond all comparison than that of our 
courtiers, in spite of their irons and refinements. This gives 
them a handsome appearance. They have no breeches, and 
their bodies are very much pinked* in divisions of various 

^ French River. 

^ Lake Huron. To connect it with Ottawa by canals and by deepen- 
ing the channel of French River is a project long discussed in Canada. The 
route which Champlain had just followed to it "continued to be the fur 
traders' highroad to the west until the days of steamboat navigation. In 
the early years of the colony it was beyond the usual reach of Iroquois war 
parties, and it is, in fact, the shortest and most direct course to Lake Superior, 
for from the Strait of Michilimackinac to the head of tide water, at Lake 
St. Peter, below Montreal, is an absolutely due east line — the parallel of 
46° N." Dawson, The St. Lawrence, p. 273. 

^ Their place of abode lay between Georgian Bay and Lake Huron. 

* Decouppez; i.e., with the skin punctured or cut away to form a 
pattern. 



282 VOYAGES OF SA]MUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

shapes. They paint their faces in various colors, have their 
nostrils pierced, and their eai-s adorned with beads. ^Mien 
they go out of their houses they carry a club. I visited them, 
became somewhat acquainted, and formed a friendsliip with 
them. I gave a hatchet to their cliief, who was as much pleased 
and dehghted \\'ith it as if I had given him some rich present. 
Entering into convei^ation with liim, I inquired in regard to 
the extent of his country, wliich he pictured to me with coal 
on the bark of a tree. He gave me to understand that he had 
come into tliis place for dr^-ing the fruit called blucs,^ to serve 
for manna in winter, and when they can fuid no tiling else. A 
and C show the manner in wliich they arm themselves when 
they go to war." They have as arms only the bow and arrow, 
made in the manner you see depicted, and wliich they regularly 
carry; also a roimd shield of di'essed leather made from an 
animal hke the buffalo. 

The next day we separated, and continued our course 
along the shore of the lake of the Attigouautan, which con- 
tains a large number of islands. We went some forty-five 
leagues, all the time along the shore of the lake. It is very 
large, nearly four himdred leagues long from east to west, 
and fifty leagues broad, and in view of its great extent I have 
named it the Mer Douce.^ It is very abmidant in various 
sorts of ver}^ good fish, both those wliich we have and those 
we do not, but especially in trout, which are enormously large, 
some of which I saw as long as four feet and a half, the least 
being two feet and a half. There are also pike of hke size, and 
a certain kind of stm'geon, a very large fish and of remarkable 
excellence. The coimtry bordering this lake is partly hilly, 
as on the north side, and partly flat, inhabited b}^ savages, and 
thmly covered with wood, including oaks. After crossing a 
bay, wliich forms one of the extremities of the lake,* we went 

^ Blueberries. 

^ References to illustrations not reproduced in the present volume. 

^ I.e., the Fresh-water Sea. Its greatest dimensions are 186 mUes 
north to south, and 220 east to west. 

* The)" were really coasting the eastern shore of the Georgian Bay. 
The bay here referred to is Matchedash. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 283 

some seven leagues until we arrived in the countr}' of the Atti- 
gouautan ^ at a \dllage called Otoiiacha, on the first day of 
August. Here we found a great change in the countr}'. It 
was here very fine, the largest part being cleared up, and 
many hills and several rivers rendering the region agreeable. 
I went to see their Indian corn, which was at that time far 
advanced for the season. 

These locahties seemed to me very pleasant, in compari- 
son with so disagreeable a region as that from which we had 
come. The next day I went to another tillage, called Car- 
maron, a league distant from this, where they received us in 
a very friendly manner, making for us a banquet viith their 
bread, squashes, and fish. As to meat, that is very scarce 
there. The chief of this tillage earnestly begged me to stay, 
to which I could not consent, but returned to our tillage, 
where on the next night but one, as I went out of the cabin 
to escape the fleas, of which there were large numbers and 
by which we were tormented, a girl of Httle modest}- came 
boldly to me and offered to keep me company, for which 
I thanked her, sending her away with gentle remonstrances, 
and spent the night with some savages. 

The next day I departed from this \dllage to go to an- 
other, called Touaguainchain, and to another, called Teque- 
nonquiaye, in which we were received in a very friendly man- 
ner by the inhabitants, who showed us the best cheer they 
could with their Indian com served in various styles. This 
country- is very fine and fertile, and travelling through it is 
very pleasant. 

Thence I had them guide me to Carhagouha, which was 
fortified by a triple palisade of wood thirt>'-five feet high for 
its defence and protection. In this ^^illage Father Joseph 
was staj^ing, whom we saw and were xery glad to find well. 
He on his part was no less glad, and was expecting nothing 
so Httle as to see me in this country'. On the twelfth day of 
August the Recollect Father celebrated the holy mass, and 

^ They were a principal tribe of the HuronSj lining within the limits 
of the present conaty of Simcoe. (Slafter.) 



284 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

a cross was planted near a small house apart from the village, 
which the savages built while I was staying there, awaiting 
the arrival of our men and their preparation to go to the war, 
in which they had been for a long time engaged. 

Finding that they were so slow in assembling their army, 
and that I should have time to visit their country, I resolved 
to go by short days' journeys from village to village as far 
as Cahiague,^ where the rendezvous of the entire army was to 
be, and which was fourteen leagues distant from Carhagouha, 
from which village I set out on the fourteenth of August with 
ten of my companions. I visited five of the more impor- 
tant villages, which were enclosed with paHsades of wood, 
and reached Cahiague, the principal village of the country, 
where there were two hundred large cabins and where all 
the men of war were to assemble. Now in all these villages 
they received us very courteously with their simple welcome. 
All the country where I went contains some twenty to thirty 
leagues, is very fine, and situated in latitude 44° 30'. It is 
very extensively cleared up. They plant in it a great quan- 
tity of Indian corn, which grows there finely. They plant 
hkewise squashes, and sunflowers, from the seed of which 
they make oil, with which they anoint the head. The region 
is extensively traversed with brooks, discharging into the 
lake. There are many very good vines and plums, which 
are excellent, raspberries, strawberries, Httle wild apples, 
nuts, and a kind of fruit of the form and color of small lemons, 
with a similar taste, but having an interior which is very good 
and almost Hke that of figs. The plant which bears this fruit 
is two and a half feet high, with but three or four leaves at 
most, which are of the shape of those of the fig-tree, and each 
plant bears but two pieces of fruit. There are many of these 
plants in various places, the fruit being very good and sa- 
vory.^ Oaks, elms, and beeches are numerous here, as also 
forests of fir, the regular retreat of partridges and hares. There 
are also quantities of small cherries and black cherries, and the 

* Near the lower end of Lake Simcoe, in Ontario. 
2 The May-apple. (Slafter.) 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 285 

same varieties of wood that we have in our forests in France. 
The soil seems to me indeed a little sandy, yet it is for all that 
good for their kind of cereal. The small tract of country 
which I visited is thickly settled with a countless number of 
human beings, not to speak of the other districts where I did 
not go, and which, according to general report, are as thickly 
settled or more so than those mentioned above. I reflected 
what a great misfortune it is that so many poor creatures live 
and die without the knowledge of God, and even without any 
religion or law estabhshed among them, whether divine, 
political, or civil; for they neither worship, nor pray to any 
object, at least so far as I could perceive from their conversa- 
tion. But they have, however, some sort of ceremony, which 
I shall describe in its proper place, in regard to the sick, or 
in order to ascertain what is to happen to them, and even in 
regard to the dead. These, however, are the works of certain 
persons among them, who want to be confidentially consulted 
in such matters, as was the case among the ancient pagans, 
who allowed themselves to be carried away by the persuasions 
of magicians and diviners. Yet the greater part of the people 
do not beheve at all in what these charlatans do and say. 
They are very generous to one another in regard to provisions, 
but otherwise very avaricious. They do not give in return. 
They are clothed with deer and beaver skins, which they obtain 
from the Algonquins and Nipissings in exchange for Indian 
corn and meal. 

On the 17th of August I arrived at Cahiague, where I 
was received with great joy and gladness by all the savages 
of the country, who had abandoned their undertaking, in the 
behef that they would see me no more, and that the Iroquois 
had captured me, as I have before stated. This was the 
cause of the great delay experienced in this expedition, they 
even having postponed it to the following year. Meanwhile 
they received intelligence that a certain nation of their alHes,^ 

^ The Andastes, Conestogas, or Susquehannocks. "This tribe was 
probably situated on the upper waters of the Susquehanna, and consequently 
south of the Five Nations." (Slafter.) , 



286 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

dwelling three good days' journeys beyond the Entouhonorons/ 
on whom the Iroquois also make war, desired to assist them 
in this expedition with five hundred good men; also to form 
an alhance and estabhsh a friendship with us, that we might 
all engage in the war together; moreover that they greatly 
desired to see us and give expression to the pleasure they would 
have in making our acquaintance. 

I was glad to find this opportunity for gratifying my desire 
of obtaining a knowledge of their country.^ It is situated 
only seven days from where the Dutch ^ go to traffic on the 
fortieth degree. The savages there, assisted by the Dutch, 
make war upon them, take them prisoners, and cruelly put 
them to death; and indeed they told us that the preceding 
year, while making war, they captured three of the Dutch, 
who were assisting their enemies, as we do the Attigouautans, 
and while in action one of their own men was killed. Never- 
theless they did not fail to send back the three Dutch pris- 
oners, without doing them any harm, supposing that they 
belonged to our party, since they had no knowledge of us 
except by hearsay, never having seen a Christian; other- 
wise, they said, these three prisoners would not have got off so 
easily, and would not escape again should they surprise and 
take them. This nation is very warlike, as those of the nation 
of the Attigouautans maintain. They have only three vil- 
lages, which are in the midst of more than twenty others, on 
which they make war without assistance from their friends; 
for they are obhged to pass through the thickly settled coxm- 
try of the Chouontouaroiion,'* or else they would have to 
make a very long circuit. 

* Champlain appears to apply the name Iroquois only to the Eastern 
portion of the Confederacy of the Five Nations, giving this Indian name to 
those farther west. 

^ I.e., the middle portions of the present state of New York. 

' In 1609 Hudson, then in the Dutch service, sailed up the river which 
bears his name, and from that time desultory trading was carried on at Man- 
hattan Island. In 1615 a trading fort was built at Fort Nassau, afterwards 
Orange, the modern Albany. 

* I.e., the Entouhonorons, previously mentioned. From this is derived 
the modern word Ontario. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 287 

After arriving at the village, it was necessary for me to 
remain until the men of war should come from the surround- 
ing villages, so that we might be off as soon as possible. During 
this time there was a constant succession of banquets and 
dances on account of the joy they experienced at seeing me 
so determined to assist them in their war, just as if they were 
already assured of victory. 

The greater portion of our men having assembled, we set 
out from the village on the first day of September, and passed 
along the shore of a small lake^ distant three leagues from 
the village, where they catch large quantities of fish, which 
they preserve for the winter. There is another lake,^ closely 
adjoining, which is twenty-five leagues in circuit, and fiows 
into the small one by a strait, where the above-mentioned 
extensive fishing is carried on. This is done by means of 
a large number of stakes which almost close the strait, only 
some httle openings being left where they place their nets, in 
which the fish are caught. These two lakes discharge into 
the Mer Douce. We remained some time in this place to await 
the rest of our savages. When they were all assembled, 
with their arms, meal, and necessaries, it was decided to choose 
some of the most resolute men to compose a party to go and 
give notice of our departure to those who were to assist us 
with five hundred men, that they might join us, and that we 
might appear together before the fort of the enemy. The 
decision having been made, they dispatched two canoes, with 
twelve of the most stalwart savages, and also with one of our 
interpreters, who asked me to permit him to make the journey, 
which I readily accorded, inasmuch as he was led to do so of his 
own will, and as he might in this way see their country and get 
a knowledge of the people hving there. The danger, however, 
was not small, since it was necessary to pass through the midst 
of enemies. They set out on the 8th of the month, and on 
the 10th following there was a heavy white frost. 

We continued our journey towards the enemy, and went 
some five or six leagues through these lakes, where the 

* Lake Couchiching. ^ Lake Simcoe. 



288 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIK [1615 

savages carried their canoes about ten leagues by land. We 
then came to another lake/ six to seven leagues in length 
and three broad. From this flows a river which discharges 
into the great lake of the Entouhonorons. After traversing 
this lake we passed a fall, and continuing our course down 
this river for about sixty-four leagues entered the lake of the 
Entouhonorons, having passed, on our way by land, five 
falls, some being from four to five leagues long. We also passed 
several lakes of considerable size, through which the river 
passes.^ The latter is large and very abundant in good fish. 

It is certain that all this region is very fine and pleasant. 
Along the banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for 
ornament in most places, and that all these tracts were in 
former times inhabited by savages, who were subsequently 
compelled to abandon them from fear of their enemies. Vines 
and nut-trees are here very numerous. Grapes mature, yet 
there is always a very pungent tartness which is felt remain- 
ing in the throat when one eats them in large quantities, 
arising from defect of cultivation. These localities are very 
pleasant when cleared up. 

Stags and bears are here very abundant. We tried the 
hunt and captured a large number as we journeyed down. 
It was done in this way. They place four or five hundred 
savages in fine in the woods, so that they extend to certain 
points on the river; then marching in order with bow and 
arrow in hand, shouting and making a great noise in order 
to frighten the beasts, they continue to advance until they 
come to the end of the point. Then all the animals between 
the point and the hunters are forced to throw themselves into 
the water, as many at least as do not fall by the arrows shot 
at them by the hunters. Meanwhile the savages, who are 

^ Sturgeon Lake. 

^ The route, here described as consisting of the course of one river, 
would now be defined as passing successively down the Otonabee River, 
through Rice Lake, and down the River Trent. It entered Lake Ontario 
through the Bay of Quinte. Coming thus into Lake Ontario at its north- 
eastern corner, the war party skirted the east shore of the lake, and left it 
at its southeastern corner. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OE 1615 289 

expressly arranged and posted in their canoes along the shore, 
easily approach the stags and other animals, tired out and 
greatly frightened in the chase, when they readily kill them 
with the spear-heads attached to the extremity of a piece of 
wood of the shape of a half-pike. This is the way they engage 
in the chase ; and they do likewise on the islands where there 
are large quantities of game. I took especial pleasure in seeing 
them hunt thus and in observing their dexterity. Many 
animals were killed by the shot of the arquebus, at which the 
savages were greatly surprised. But it unfortunately happened 
that, while a stag was being killed, a savage, who chanced to 
come in range, was wounded by a shot of an arquebus. Thence 
a great commotion arose among them, which however subsided 
when some presents were given to the wounded. This is the 
usual manner of allaying and setthng quarrels, and, in case of 
the death of the wounded, presents are given to the relatives 
of the one killed. 

As to smaller game there is a large quantity of it in its 
season. There are also many cranes, white as swans, and 
other varieties of birds like those in France. 

We proceeded by short days' journeys as far as the shore 
of the lake of the Entouhonorons, constantly hunting as 
before mentioned. Here at its eastern extremity, which is 
the entrance to the great River St. Lawrence, we made the 
traverse, in latitude 43°, where in the passage there are very 
large beautiful islands. We went about fourteen leagues in 
passing to the southern side of the lake towards the territory 
of the enemy. The savages concealed all their canoes in the 
woods near the shore. We went some four leagues over a 
sandy strand, where I observed a very pleasant and beautiful 
country, intersected by many httle streams and two small 
rivers, which discharge into the before-mentioned lake, also 
many ponds and meadows, where there was an endless amount 
of game, many vines, fine woods, and a large number of chest- 
nut trees, whose fruit was still in the burr. The chestnuts are 
small, but of a good flavor. The country is covered with forests, 
which over its greater portion have not been cleared up. All 



6^ VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

the canoes being thus hidden, we left the border of the lake, 
which is some eighty leagues long and twenty-five wide/ 
The greater portion of its shores is inhabited by savages. 
We continued our course by land for about twenty-five or 
thirty leagues. In the space of four days we crossed many 
brooks, and a river which proceeds from a lake that discharges 
into that of the Entouhonorons.^ This lake is twenty-five 
or thirty leagues in circuit, contains some fine islands, and is 
the place where our enemies, the Iroquois, catch their fish, in 
which it abounds. 

On the 9th of the month of October, our savages going 
out to reconnoitre met eleven savages, whom they took pris- 
oners. They consisted of four women, three boys, one girl, 
and three men, who were going fishing and were distant some 
four leagues from the fort of the enemy. Now it is to be noted 
that one of the chiefs, on seeing the prisoners, cut off the finger 
of one of these poor women as a beginning of their usual punish- 
ment; upon which I interposed and reprimanded the chief, 
Iroquet, representing to him that it was not the act of a war- 
rior, as he declared himself to be, to conduct himself with 
cruelty towards women, who have no defence but their tears, 
and that one should treat them with humanity on account of 
their helplessness and weakness ; and I told him that on the 
contrary this act would be deemed to proceed from a base and 
brutal courage, and that if he committed any more of these 
cruelties he would not give me heart to assist them or favor 
them in the war. To which the only answer he gave me was 
that their enemies treated them in the same manner, but that, 
since this was displeasing to me, he would not do anything 
more to the women, although he would to the men. 

The next day, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived 
before the fort ^ of their enemies, where the savages made 

* About 180 miles by 50. 

^ Oneida River, flowing from Oneida Lake into Lake Ontario. 

^ Some miles south of Oneida Lake. It was probably situated on 
Nichols's Pond and on two streams which enter and leave it, in the township 
of Fenner, in Madison County, New York. 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 291 

some skirmishes with each other, although our design was 
not to disclose om-selves mitil the next day, which however 
the impatience of our savages would not permit, both on ac- 
count of their desire to see fire opened upon their enemies, 
and also that they might rescue some of their own men who 
had become too closely engaged, and were hotly pressed. Then 
I approached the enemy, and although I had only a few men, 
yet we showed them what they had never seen nor heard 
before ; for, as soon as they saw us and heard the arquebus 
shots and the balls whizzing in their ears, they withdrew speed- 
ily to their fort, carrying the dead and wounded in this charge. 
We also withdrew to our main body, with five or six wounded, 
one of whom died. 

This done, we withdrew to the distance of cannon range, 
out of sight of the enemy, but contrary to my advice and to 
what they had promised me. This moved me to address 
them very rough and angry words in order to incite them to 
do their duty, foreseeing that if everything should go accord- 
ing to their whim and the guidance of their council, their 
utter ruin would be the result. Nevertheless I did not fail 
to send to them and propose means which they should use in 
order to get possession of their enemies. 

These were, to make with certain kinds of wood a cava- 
lier^ which should be higher than the paHsades. Upon this 
were to be placed four or five of our arquebusiers, who should 
keep up a constant fire over their palisades and galleries, 
which were well provided with stones, and by this means dis- 
lodge the enemy who might attack us from their galleries. 
Meanwhile orders were to be given to procure boards for mak- 
ing a sort of mantelet ^ to protect our men from the arrows 
and stones of which the savages generally make use. These 
instruments, namely the cavaher and mantelets, were capable 
of being carried by a large number of men. One mantelet was 

* A wooden framework with an enclosed platform on top. In the 
original Champlain gives a very spirited drawing of the siege ; it is reproduced 
in this volxune. 

' A large wooden shield. 



292 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE OHAMPLAIN [1616 

so constructed that the water could not extinguish the fire, 
which might be set to the fort, under cover of the arquebusiers 
who were doing their duty on the cavaHer. In this manner, 
I told them, we might be able to defend ourselves so that the 
enemy could not approach to extinguish the fire which we 
should set to their ramparts. 

This proposition they thought good and very seasonable, 
and immediately proceeded to carry it out as I directed. In 
fact the next day they set to work, some to cut wood, others 
to gather it, for building and equipping the cavalier and 
mantelets. The work was promptly executed and in less 
than four hours, although the amount of wood they had col- 
lected for burning against the ramparts, in order to set fire to 
them, was very small. Their expectation was that the five 
hundred men who had promised to come would do so on this 
day, but doubt was felt about them, since they had not ap- 
peared at the rendezvous, as they had been charged to 
do, and as they had promised. This greatly troubled our 
savages; but seeing that they were sufficiently numerous to 
take the fort without other assistance, and thinking for my 
part that delay, if not in all things at least in many, is preju- 
dicial, I urged them to attack it, representing to them that 
the enemy, having become aware of their force and our arms, 
which pierced whatever was proof against arrows, had begun 
to barricade themselves and cover themselves with strong 
pieces of wood, with which they were well provided and their 
village filled. I told them that the least delay was the best, 
since the enemy had already strengthened themselves very much ; 
for their village was enclosed by four good paHsades, which 
were made of great pieces of wood, interlaced with each other, 
with an opening of not more than half a foot between two, and 
which were thirty feet high, with galleries after the manner of 
a parapet, which they had furnished with double pieces of 
wood that were proof against our arquebus shots. Moreover 
it was near a pond where the water was abundant, and was well 
supplied with gutters, placed between each pair of palisades, 
to throw out water, which they had also under cover inside, 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1616 293 

in order to extinguish fire. Now this is the character of their 
fortifications and defences, which are much stronger than the 
villages of the Attigouautan and others. 

We approached to attack the village, our cavaHer being 
carried by two hundred of the strongest men, who put it 
down before the village at a pike's length off. I ordered three 
arquebusiers to mount upon it, who were well protected from 
the arrows and stones that could be shot or hurled at them. 
Meanwhile the enemy did not fail to send a large number of 
arrows which did not miss, and a great many stones, which 
they hurled from their palisades. Nevertheless a hot fire of 
arquebusiers forced them to dislodge and abandon their gal- 
leries, in consequence of the cavalier which uncovered them, 
they not venturing to show themselves, but fighting under 
shelter. Now when the cavaHer was carried forward, instead 
of bringing up the mantelets according to order, including that 
one under cover of which we were to set the fire, they aban- 
doned them and began to scream at their enemies, shooting 
arrows into the fort, which in my opinion did Httle harm to 
the enemy. 

But we must excuse them, for they are not warriors, and 
besides will have no discipHne nor correction, and will do only 
what they please. Accordingly one of them set fire incon- 
siderately to the wood placed against the fort of the enemy, 
quite the wrong way and in the face of the wind, so that it 
produced no effect. 

This fire being out, the greater part of the savages began 
to carry wood against the pahsades, but in so small quantity 
that the fire could have no great effect. There also arose 
such disorder among them that one could not understand 
another, which greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in 
their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the 
danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad be- 
havior, but on account of the great noise they made they 
heard nothing. Seeing that shouting would only burst my 
head, and that my remonstrances were useless for putting a 
stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but determined 



294 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

together with my men to do what we could, and fire upon such 
as we could see. 

Meanwhile the enemy profited by our disorder to get 
water and pour it so abundantly that you would have said 
brooks were flowing through their spouts, the result of which 
was that the fire was instantly extinguished, while they did 
not cease shooting their arrows, which fell upon us like hail. 
But the men on the cavalier killed and maimed many. We 
were engaged in this combat about three hours, in which two 
of our chiefs and leading warriors were wounded, namely, one 
called Ochateguain and another Orani, together with some 
fifteen common warriors. The others, seeing their men and 
some of the chiefs wounded, now began to talk of a retreat 
without farther fighting, in expectation of the five hundred 
men, whose arrival could not be much delayed. Thus they 
retreated, a disorderly rabble. 

Moreover the chiefs have in fact no absolute control over 
their men, who are governed by their own will and follow 
their own fancy, which is the cause of their disorder and the 
ruin of all their undertakings; for, having determined upon 
anything with their leaders, it needs only the whim of a vil- 
lain, or nothing at all, to lead them to break it off and form a 
new plan. Thus there is no concert of action among them, 
as can be seen by this expedition. 

Now we withdrew into our fort, I having received two 
arrow wounds, one in the leg, the other in the knee, which 
caused me great inconvenience, aside from the severe pain. 
When they were all assembled, I addressed them some words 
of remonstrance on the disorder that had occurred. But 
all I said availed nothing, and had no effect upon them. 
They rephed that many of their men had been wounded, Hke 
myself, so that it would cause the others much trouble and 
inconvenience to carry them as they retreated, and that it 
was not possible to return again against their enemies, as 
I told them it was their duty to do. They agreed, however, 
to wait four days longer for the five hundred men who were 
to come; and, if they came, to make a second effort against 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 295 

their enemies, and execute better what I might tell them 
than they had done in the past. With this I had to content 
myself, to my great regret. 

Herewith is indicated the manner in which they fortify 
their towns, from which representation it may be inferred 
that those of their friends and enemies are fortified in hke 
manner.^ 

The next day there was a violent wind, which lasted two 
days, and was very favorable for setting fire anew to the fort 
of the enemy, which, although I urged them strongly, they were 
unwilling to do, as if they were afraid of getting the worst of 
it, and besides they pleaded their wounded as an excuse. 

We remained in camp until the 16th of the month, ^ during 
which time there were some skirmishes between the enemy 
and our men, who were very often surrounded by the former, 
rather through their imprudence than from lack of courage; 
for I assure you that every time we went to the charge it 
was necessary for us to go and disengage them from the crowd, 
since they could only retreat under cover of our arquebusiers, 
whom the enemy greatly dreaded and feared ; for as soon as they 
perceived any one of the arquebusiers they withdrew speedily, 
saying in a persuasive manner that we should not interfere 
in their combats, and that their enemies had very Httle courage 
to require us to assist them, with many other words of like 
tenor, in order to prevail upon us. 

I have represented by figure E the manner in which they 
arm themselves in going to war. 

After some days, seeing that the five hundred men did not 
come,^ they determined to depart, and enter upon their re- 
treat as soon as possible. They proceeded to make a kind of 
basket for carrying the wounded, who are put into it crowded 
up in a heap, being bound and pinioned in such a manner that 
it is as impossible for them to move as for an infant in its 
swaddhng clothes ; but this is not without causing the wounded 

* This paragraph refers to a drawing of the Iroquois fort, reproduced 
in this volume. 

^ October. ' They arrived two days later. See p. 355. 



296 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

much extreme pain. This I can say with truth from my 
own experience, having been carried some days, since I could 
not stand up, particularly on account of an arrow-wound which 
I had received in the knee. I never found myseK in such a 
gehenna as during this time, for the pain which I suffered in 
consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in com- 
parison with that which I endured while I was carried bound 
and pinioned on the back of one of our savages ; so that I lost 
my patience, and as soon as I could sustain myseK, got out of 
this prison, or rather gehenna. 

The enemy followed us about half a league, though at a 
distance, with the view of trying to take some of those com- 
posing the rear guard; but their efforts were vain, and they 
retired. 

Now the only good point that I have seen in their mode 
of warfare is that they make their retreat very securely, plac- 
ing all the wounded and aged in their centre, being well armed 
on the wings and in the rear, and continuing this order without 
interruption until they reach a place of security. 

Their retreat was very long, being from twenty-five to 
thirty leagues, which caused the wounded much fatigue, as 
also those who carried them, although the latter reheved 
each other from time to time. 

On the 18th day of the month there fell much snow and 
hail, accompanied by a strong wind, which greatly incom- 
moded us. Nevertheless we succeeded in arriving at the 
shore of the lake of the Entouhonorons, at the place where 
our canoes were concealed, which we found all intact, for we 
had been afraid lest the enemy might have broken them up. 

When they were all assembled, and I saw that they were 
ready to depart to their village, I begged them to take me to 
our settlement, which, though unwilling at first, they finally 
concluded to do, and sought four men to conduct me. Four 
men were found, who offered themselves of their own accord ; 
for, as I have before said, the chiefs have no control over their 
men, in consequence of which they are often unable to do 
as they would hke. Now the men having been found; it was 



1615] THE VOYAGE OE 1615 297 

necessary also to find a canoe, which was not to be had, each 
one needing his own, and there being no more than they re- 
quired. This was far from being pleasant to me, but on the 
contrary greatly annoyed me, since it led me to suspect some 
evil purpose, inasmuch as they had promised to conduct me 
to our settlement after their war. Moreover I was poorly 
prepared for spending the winter with them, or else should 
not have been concerned about the matter. But not being 
able to do anything, I was obhged to resign myself in patience. 
Now after some days I perceived that their plan was to keep 
me and my companions, not only as a security for themselves, 
for they feared their enemies, but also that I might Hsten to 
what took place in their councils and assemblies, and deter- 
mine what they should do in the future against their enemies 
for their security and preservation. 

The next day, the 28th of the month, they began to make 
preparations; some to go deer-hunting, others to hunt bears 
and beavers, others to go fishing, others to return to their 
villages. An abode and lodging were furnished me by one of 
the principal chiefs, called D'Arontal, with whom I already 
had some acquaintance. Having offered me his cabin, pro- 
visions, and accommodations, he set out also for the deer- 
hunt, which is esteemed by them the greatest and most 
noble one. After crossing, from the island, the end of the 
lake, we entered a river ^ some twelve leagues in extent. 
They then carried their canoes by land some half a league, when 
we entered a lake ^ which was some ten or twelve leagues in 
circuit, where there was a large amount of game, as swans, 
white cranes, outardes, ducks, teal, song-thrush, larks, snipe, 
geese, and several other kinds of fowl too numerous to mention. 
Of these I killed a great number, which stood us in good stead 
while waiting for the capture of a deer. From there we pro- 
ceeded to a certain place some ten leagues distant, where our 
savages thought there were deer in abundance. Assembled 
there were some twenty-five savages, who set to building two 

* Probably Cataraqui Creek, in the province of Ontario. 

* Probably Loughborough Lake. 



298 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

or three cabins out of pieces of wood fitted to each other, the 
chinks of which they stopped up by means of moss to prevent 
the entrance of the air, covering them with the bark of trees. 

When they had done this they went into the woods to a 
small forest of firs, where they made an enclosure in the form 
of a triangle, closed up on two sides and open on one. This en- 
closure was made of great stakes of wood closely pressed to- 
gether, from eight to nine feet high, each of the sides being 
fifteen hundred paces long. At the extremity of this triangle 
there was a httle enclosure, constantly diminishing in size, cov- 
ered in part with boughs and with only an opening of five feet, 
about the width of a medium-sized door, into which the deer 
were to enter. They were so expeditious in their work, that 
in less than ten days they had their enclosure in readiness. 
Meanwhile other savages had gone fishing, catching trout 
and pike of prodigious size, and enough to meet all our wants. 

All preparations being made, they set out half an hour 
before day to go into the wood, some half a league from the 
before-mentioned enclosure, separated from each other some 
eighty paces. Each had two sticks, which they struck to- 
gether, and they marched in this order at a slow pace imtil 
they arrived at their enclosure. The deer hearing this noise 
flee before them until they reach the enclosure, into which the 
savages force them to go. Then they gradually unite on 
approaching the bay and opening of their triangle, the deer 
skirting the sides imtil they reach the end, to which the sav- 
ages hotly pursue them, with bow and arrow in hand ready 
to let fly. On reaching the end of the triangle they begin to 
shout and imitate wolves, which are numerous, and which 
devour the deer. The deer, hearing this frightful noise, are 
constrained to enter the retreat by the little opening, whither 
they are very hotly pursued by arrow shots. Having entered 
this retreat, which is so well closed and fastened that they 
can by no possibility get out, they are easily captured. I 
assure you that there is a singular pleasure in this chase, which 
took place every two days, and was so successful that, in the 
thirty-eight days during which we were there, they captured 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 299 

one hundred and twenty deer, which they make good use of, 
reserving the fat for winter, which they use as we do butter, 
and taking away to their homes some of the flesh for their 
festivities. 

They have other contrivances for capturing the deer; 
as snares, with which they kill many. You see depicted 
opposite the manner of their chase, enclosure, and snare. 
Out of the skins they make garments. Thus you see how 
we spent the time while waiting for the frost, that we might 
return the more easily, since the country is very marshy. 

When they first went out hunting, I lost my way in the 
woods, having followed a certain bird that seemed to me 
pecuhar. It had a beak like that of a parrot, and was of the 
size of a hen. It was entirely yellow, except the head which 
was red, and the wings which were blue, and it flew by in- 
tervals Uke a partridge. The desire to kill it led me to pursue 
it from tree to tree for a very long time, until it flew away 
in good earnest. Thus losing all hope, I desired to retrace 
my steps, but found none of our hunters, who had been con- 
stantly getting ahead, and had reached the enclosure. While 
trying to overtake them, and going, as it seemed to me, straight 
to where the enclosure was, I found myself lost in the woods, 
going now on this side now on that, without being able to recog- 
nize my position. The night coming on, I was obliged to 
spend it at the foot of a great tree, and in the morning set out 
and walked until three o'clock in the afternoon, when I came 
to a Httle pond of still water. Here I noticed some game, 
which I pursued, kilhng three or four birds, which were very 
acceptable, since I had had nothing to eat. Unfortunately 
for me there had been no sunshine for three days, nothing but 
rain and cloudy weather, which increased my trouble. Tired 
and exhausted I prepared to rest myself and cook the birds 
in order to alleviate the hunger which I began painfully to 
feel, and which by God's favor was appeased. 

When I had made my repast I began to consider what I 
should do, and to pray God to give me the will and courage 
to sustain patiently my misfortune if I should be obHged to 



300 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1615 

remain abandoned in this forest without counsel or consola- 
tion except the Divine goodness and mercy, and at the same 
time to exert myself to return to our hunters. Thus com- 
mitting all to His mercy I gathered up renewed courage, going 
here and there all day, without perceiving any foot-print or 
path, except those of wild beasts, of which I generally saw a 
good number. I was obhged to pass here this night also. 
Unfortunately I had forgotten to bring with me a small com- 
pass which would have put me on the right road, or nearly so. 
At the dawn of day, after a brief repast, I set out in order to 
find, if possible, some brook and follow it, thinking that it 
must of necessity flow into the river on the border of which 
our hunters were encamped. Having resolved upon this 
plan, I carried it out so well that at noon I found myself on 
the border of a little lake, about a league and a half in extent, 
where I killed some game, which was very timely for my wants ; 
I had hkewise remaining some eight or ten charges of powder, 
which was a great satisfaction. 

I proceeded along the border of this lake to see where 
it discharged, and found a large brook, which I followed until 
five o'clock in the evening, when I heard a great noise, but on 
carefully listening failed to perceive clearly what it was. On 
hearing the noise, however, more distinctly, I concluded that 
it was a fall of water in the river which I was searching for. 
I proceeded nearer, and saw an opening, approaching which 
I found myself in a great and far-reaching meadow, where there 
was a large number of wild beasts, and looking to my right 
I perceived the river, broad and long. I looked to see if I 
could not recognize the place, and walking along on the 
meadow I noticed a Httle path where the savages carried their 
canoes. Finally, after careful observation, I recognized it 
as the same river, and that I had gone that way before. 

I passed the night in better spirits than the previous ones, 
supping on the little I had. In the morning I re-examined 
the place where I was, and concluded from certain moun- 
tains on the border of the river that I had not been deceived, 
and that our hunters must be lower down by four or five good 



1615] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 301 

leagues. This distance I walked at my leisure along the border 
of the river, until I perceived the smoke of our hunters, where 
I arrived to the great pleasure not only of myself but of them, 
who were still searching for me, but had about given up all 
hopes of seeing me again. They begged me not to stray off 
from them any more, or never to forget to carry with me my 
compass, and they added : If you had not come, and we had 
not succeeded in finding you, we should never have gone again 
to the French, for fear of their accusing us of having killed you. 
After this he was very careful of me when I went hunting, 
always giving me a savage as companion, who knew how to 
find again the place from which he started so well that it was 
something very remarkable. 

To return to my subject : they have a kind of superstition 
in regard to this hunt; namely, they beheve that if they 
should roast any of the meat taken in this way, or if any of 
the fat should fall into the fire, or if any of the bones should 
be thrown into it, they would not be able to capture any more 
deer. Accordingly they begged me to roast none of this meat, 
but I laughed at this and their way of doing. Yet, in order 
not to offend them, I cheerfully desisted, at least in their 
presence ; though when they were out of sight I took some of 
the best and roasted it, attaching no credit to their supersti- 
tions. When I afterwards told them what I had done, they 
would not beheve me, saying that they could not have taken 
any deer after the doing of such a thing. 

On the fourth day of December we set out from this place, 
walking on the river, lakes, and ponds, which were frozen, 
and sometimes through the woods. Thus we went for nine- 
teen days, undergoing much hardship and toil, both the sav- 
ages, who were loaded with a hundred pounds, and myself, 
who carried a burden of twenty pounds, which in the long 
journey tired me very much. It is true that I was sometimes 
reheved by our savages, but nevertheless I suffered great dis- 
comfort. The savages, in order to go over the ice more easily, 
are accustomed to make a kind of wooden sledge, on which 
they put their loads, which they easily and swiftly drag along. 



302 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

Some days after there was a thaw, which caused us much 
trouble and annoyance ; for we had to go through pine forests 
full of brooks, ponds, marshes, and swamps, where many 
trees had been blown down upon each other. This caused us 
a thousand troubles and embarrassments, and great discom- 
fort, as we were all the time wet to above our knees. We were 
four days in this phght, since in most places the ice would not 
bear. At last, on the 20th ^ of the month, we succeeded in 
arriving at our village. Here the Captain Yroquet had come 
to winter with his companions, who are Algonquins, also his 
son, whom he brought for the sake of treatment, since while 
hunting he had been seriously injured by a bear which he 
was trying to kill. 

After resting some days I determined to go and visit Father 
Joseph, and to see in winter the people where he was, whom 
the war had not permitted me to see in the summer. I set 
out from this village on the 14th ^ of January following, thank- 
ing my host for the kindness he had shown me, and, 'taking 
formal leave of him, as I did not expect to see him again for 
three months. 

The next day I saw Father Joseph, in his small house 
where he had taken up his abode, as I have before stated. 
I stayed with him some days, finding him dehberating about 
making a journey to the Petun people, as I had also thought 
of doing, although it was very disagreeable traveUing in 
winter. We set out together on the fifteenth of February^ 
to go to that nation, where we arrived on the seventeenth 
of the month. These Petun ^ people plant the maize, called 
by us hie de Turquie, and have fixed abodes like the rest. We 
went to seven other villages of their neighbors and alhes, 
with whom we contracted friendship, and who promised to 
come in good numbers to our settlement. They welcomed us 
with good cheer, making a banquet with meat and fish, as is 
their custom. To this the people from all quarters flocked 

^ The edition of 1632 says 23d. => Probably a misprint for 4th. 

' Ahnost certainly January. 

* I.e., the Tobacco Nation, about twenty miles west of the Hurons. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 303 

in order to see us, showing many manifestations of friendship, 
and accompanying us on the greater part of our way back. 
The country is diversified with pleasant slopes and plains. 
They were beginning to build two villages, through which 
we passed, and which were situated in the midst of the woods, 
because of the convenience of building and fortifying their 
towns there. These people hve hke the Attignouaatitans, 
and have the same customs. They are situated near the 
Neutral Nation,^ which are powerful and occupy a great extent 
of country. After visiting these people, we set out from that 
place, and went to a nation of savages, whom we named Che- 
veux Releves. They were very happy to see us again, and we 
entered into friendship with them, while they in return prom- 
ised to come and see us, namely at the habitation in this place. 
It has seemed to me desirable to describe them and their 
country, their customs and mode of hfe. In the first place 
they are at war with another nation of savages, called Asista- 
gueroiion, which means Gens de Feu,^ who are distant from 
them ten days' journey. I informed myself accordingly very 
particularly in regard to their country and the tribes hving 
there, as also to their character and numbers. The people of 
this nation are very numerous, and are for the most part 
great warriors, hunters, and fishermen. They have several 
chiefs, each ruHng in his own district. In general they plant 
Indian corn, and other cereals. They are hunters who go in 
troops to various regions and countries, where they traffic with 
other nations, distant four or five hundred leagues. They are 
the cleanest savages in their household affairs that I have 
ever seen, and are very industrious in making a kind of mat, 
which constitutes their Turkish carpets. The women have 
the body covered, but the men go uncovered, with the excep- 
tion of a fur robe in the form of a cloak, which they usually 
leave off in summer. The women and girls are not more moved 
at seeing them thus, than if they saw nothing unusual. The 

^ These lived near the north shore of Lake Erie. They were finally 
exterminated by the Iroquois. 
^ I.e., the Race of Fire. 



304 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

women live very happily with their husbands. They have 
the following custom when they have their catamenia: the 
wives withdraw from their husbands, or the daughter from 
her father and mother and other relatives, and go to certain 
small houses. There they remain in retirement, awaiting 
their time, without any company of men, who bring them 
food and necessaries until their return. Thus it is known 
who have their catamenia and who have not. This tribe is 
accustomed more than others to celebrate great banquets. 
They gave us good cheer and welcomed us very cordially, 
earnestly begging me to assist them against their enemies, 
who dwell on the banks of the Mer Douce, two hundred leagues 
distant ; to which I repHed that they must wait until another 
time, as I was not provided with the necessary means. They 
were at a loss how to welcome us. I have represented them 
in figure C as they go to war. 

There is, also, at a distance of a two days' journey from 
them, in a southerly direction, another savage nation, that 
produces a large amount of tobacco. This is called the Neu- 
tral Nation. They number four thousand warriors, and dwell 
westward of the lake of the Entouhonorons, which is from 
eighty to a hundred leagues in extent. They, however, assist 
the Cheveux Releves against the Gens de Feu. But with the 
Iroquois and our allies they are at peace, and preserve a neu- 
trality. There is a cordial understanding towards both of these 
nations, and they do not venture to engage in any dispute or 
quarrel, but on the contrary often eat and drink with them 
hke good friends. I was very desirous of visiting this nation, 
but the people where we were dissuaded me from it, saying 
that the year before one of our men had killed one of them, 
when we were at war with the Entouhonorons, which offended 
them ; and they informed us that they are much inclined to 
revenge, not concerning themselves as to who struck the blow, 
but inflicting the penalty upon the first one they meet of the 
nation, even though one of their friends, when they succeed 
in catching him, unless harmony has been previously restored 
between them, and gifts and presents bestowed upon the rela- 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 305 

tives of the deceased. Thus I was prevented for the time 
being from going, although some of this nation assured us that 
they would do us no harm for the reason assigned above. 
Thus we were led to return the same way we had come, 
and continuing my journey, I reached the nation of the Pisie- 
rinii,^ who had promised to conduct me farther on in the prose- 
cution of my plans and explorations. But I was prevented 
by the intelUgence which came from our great village and 
the Algonquins, where Captain Yroquet was, namely, that the 
people of the nation of the Atignouaatitans had placed in his 
hands a prisoner of a hostile nation, in the expectation that 
this Captain Yroquet would exercise on the prisoner the re- 
venge usual among them. But they said that, instead of 
doing so, he had not only set him at hberty, but, having found 
him apt, and an excellent hunter, had treated him as his son, 
on account of which the Atignouaatitans had become jealous 
and resolved upon vengeance, and had in fact appointed a 
man to go and kill this prisoner, allied as he was. As he was 
put to death in the presence of the chiefs of the Algonquin 
nation, they, indignant at such an act and moved to anger, 
killed on the spot this rash murderer; whereupon the Atig- 
nouaatitans feehng themselves insulted, seeing one of their 
comrades dead, seized their arms and went to the tents of the 
Algonquins, who were passing the winter near the above- 
mentioned village, and belabored them severely. Captain 
Yroquet receiving two arrow wounds. At another time they 
pillaged some of the cabins of the Algonquins before the latter 
could place themselves in a state of defence, so that they had 
not an equal chance. Notwithstanding this they were not 
reconciled to the Algonquins, who for securing peace had 
given the Atignouaatitans fifty necklaces of porcelain^ and 

^ This relates to those Nipissings who had accompanied Champlain on 
the expedition against the Iroquois, and who were passing the winter among 
the Hurons. (Laverdiere.) 

2 Wampum, made of shells and held in great esteem by the Indians. 
For "branches" read fathoms. On wampum see W. B. Weeden in Johns 
Hopkins Studies, II. 389-400, and Laverdiere, IV. 62, note 1. There were 



306 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

a hundred branches of the same which they value highly, and 
Hkewise a number of kettles and axes, together with two 
female prisoners in place of the dead man. They were, in 
a word, still in a state of violent animosity. The Algonquins 
were obliged to suffer patiently this great rage, and feared 
that they might all be killed, not feeUng any security, not- 
withstanding their gifts, until they should be differently 
situated. This intelhgence greatly disturbed me, when I 
considered the harm that might arise not only to them, but 
to us as well, who were in their country. 

I then met two or three savages of our large village, who 
earnestly entreated me to go to them in order to effect a rec- 
onciUation, declaring that if I did not go none of them would 
come to us any more, since they were at war with the Al- 
gonquins and regarded us as their friends. In view of this 
I set out as soon as possible, and visited on my way the Nipis- 
sings to ascertain when they would be ready for the journey 
to the north, which I found broken off on account of these 
quarrels and hostihties, as my interpreter gave me to under- 
stand, who said that Captain Yroquet had come among all 
these tribes to find and await me. He had requested them to 
be at the habitation of the French at the same time with him- 
self to see what agreement could be made between them and 
the Atignouaatitans, and to postpone the journey to the north 
to another time. Moreover, Yroquet had given porcelain 
to break off this journey. They promised us to be at our 
habitation at the same time as the others. 

If ever there was one greatly disheartened it was myself, 
since I had been waiting to see this year what during many 
preceding ones I had been seeking for with great toil and 
effort, through so many fatigues and risks of my hfe. But 
realizing that I could not help the matter, and that every- 
thing depended on the will of God, I comforted myself, re- 
solving to see it in a short time. I had such sure informa- 
tion that I could not doubt the report of these people, who 

two kinds, white and black or violet, the latter the more valued. Necklaces 
were made of this ; the white was made up into fathoms. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1616 307 

go to traffic with others dwelling in those northern regions, 
a great part of whom hve in a place very abundant in the 
chase, and where there are great numbers of large animals, 
the skins of several of which I saw, and which I concluded 
were buffaloes, from their representation of their form. Fish- 
ing is also very abundant there. This journey requires forty 
days, as well in returning as in going. 

I set out towards our above-mentioned village on the 
15th of February, taking with me six of our men. Having 
arrived at that place the inhabitants were greatly pleased, as 
also the Algonquins, whom I sent our interpreter to visit in 
order to ascertain how everything had taken place on both 
sides, for I did not wish to go myself that I might give no 
ground for suspicion to either party. 

Two days were spent in hearing from both sides how every- 
thing had taken place. After this the principal men and 
seniors of the place came away with us, and we all together 
went to the Algonquins. Here in one of their cabins, where 
several of the leading men were assembled, they all, after some 
talk, agreed to come and accept all that might be said by me 
as arbiter in the matter, and to carry out what I might pro- 
pose. 

Then I gathered the views of each one, obtaining and 
investigating the wishes and incHnations of both parties, and 
ascertained that all they wanted was peace. 

I set forth to them that the best course was to become 
reconciled and remain friends, since being united and bound 
together they could the more easily withstand their enemies; 
and as I went away I begged them not to ask me to effect 
their reconcihation if they did not intend to follow in all re- 
spects the advice I should give them in regard to this dispute, 
since they had done me the honor to request my opinion. 
Whereupon they told me anew that they had not desired my 
return for any other reason. I for my part thought that if I 
should not reconcile and pacify them they would separate 
ill disposed towards each other, each party thinking itself 
in the right. I reflected, also, that they would not have gone 



308 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

to their cabins if I had not been with them, nor to the French 
if I had not interested myself and taken, so to speak, the charge 
and conduct of their affairs. Upon this I said to them that 
as for myself I proposed to go with my host, who had always 
treated me well, and that I could with difficulty find one so 
good; for it was on him that the Algonquins laid the blame, 
saying that he was the only captain who had caused the taking 
up of arms. Much was said by both sides, and finally it was 
concluded that I should tell them what seemed to me best, 
and give them my advice. 

Since I saw now from what was said that they referred the 
whole matter to my own decision as to that of a father, and 
promised that in the future I might dispose of them as I 
thought best, referring the whole matter to my judgment for 
settlement, I rephed that I was very glad to see them so in- 
cHned to follow my advice, and assured them that it should 
be only for the best interests of the tribes. 

Moreover I told them, I had been greatly disturbed at 
hearing the further sad intelligence, namely the death of one 
of their relatives and friends, whom we regarded as one of our 
own, which might have caused a great calamity resulting in 
nothing but perpetual wars between both parties, with various 
and serious disasters and a rupture of their friendship, in con- 
sequence of which the French would be deprived of seeing 
them and of intercourse with them, and be obhged to enter 
into alliance with other nations ; since we loved each other as 
brothers, leaving to God the punishment of those meriting it. 

I proceeded to say to them, that this mode of action be- 
tween two nations, who were, as they acknowledged, friendly 
to each other, was unworthy of reasoning men, but rather 
characteristic of brute beasts. I represented to them, more- 
over, that they were enough occupied in repelhng their enemies 
who pursued them, in routing them as often as possible, in 
pursuing them to their villages and taking them prisoners; 
and that these enemies, seeing divisions and wars among 
them, would be dehghted and derive great advantage there- 
from, and be led to lay new and pernicious plans, in the hope 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 309 

of soon being able to see their ruin, or at least their enfeebhng 
through one another, which would be the truest and easiest 
way for them to conquer and become masters of their terri- 
tories, since they did not assist each other. 

I told them Hkewise that they did not reahze the harm 
that might befall them from thus acting; that on account of 
the death of one man they hazarded the lives of ten thou- 
sand, and ran the risk of being reduced to perpetual slavery; 
that, although in fact one man was of great value, yet they 
ought to consider how he had been killed, and that it was 
not with dehberate purpose, nor for the sake of inciting a civil 
war, it being only too evident that the dead man had first 
offended, since with dehberate purpose he had killed the 
prisoner in their cabins, a most audacious thing, even if the 
latter were an enemy. This aroused the Algonquins, who, 
seeing a man that had been so bold as to kill in their own 
cabins another to whom they had given hberty and treated 
as one of themselves, were carried away with passion; and 
some, more excited than the rest, advanced, and, unable to 
restrain or control their wrath, killed the man in question. 
Nevertheless they had no ill feeHng at all towards the nation 
as a whole, and did not extend their purposes beyond the 
audacious one, who, they thought, fully deserved what he 
had wantonly earned. 

And besides I told them they must consider that the En- 
touhonoron, finding himself wounded by two blows in the 
stomach, tore from his wound the knife which his enemy 
had left there, and gave the latter two blows, as I had been 
informed; so that in fact one could not tell whether it was 
really the Algonquins who had committed the murder. And 
in order to show to the Attigouantans that the Algonquins 
did not love the prisoner, and that Yroquet did not bear 
towards him the affection which they were disposed to think, 
I reminded them that they had eaten him, as he had inflicted 
blows with a knife upon his enemy; a thing, however, un- 
worthy of a human being, but rather characteristic of brute 
beasts. 



310 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

I told them also that the Algonquins very much regretted 
all that had taken place, and that, if they had supposed such 
a thing would have happened, they would have sacrificed this 
Iroquois for their satisfaction. I reminded them hkewise 
that they had made recompense for this death and offence, 
if so it should be called, by large presents and two prisoners, 
on which account they had no reason at present to complain, 
and ought to restrain themselves and act more mildly towards 
the Algonquins, their friends. I told them that, since they 
had promised to submit every thing to arbitration, I entreated 
them to forget all that had passed between them and never 
to think of it again, nor bear any hatred or ill will on account 
of it to each other, but to live good friends as before, by doing 
which they would constrain us to love them and assist them 
as I had done in the past. But in case they should not be 
pleased with my advice, I requested them to come, in as large 
numbers as possible, to our settlement, so that there, in the 
presence of all the captains of vessels, our friendship might 
be ratified anew, and measures taken to secure them from 
their enemies, a thing which they ought to consider. 

Then they began to say that I had spoken well, and that 
they would adhere to what I had said, and all went away to 
their cabins, apparently satisfied, excepting the Algonquins, 
who broke up and proceeded to their village, but who, as it 
seemed to me, appeared to be not entirely satisfied, since they 
said among themselves that they would not come to winter 
again in these places, the death of these two men having cost 
them too dearly. As for myself, I returned to my host, in 
whom I endeavored to inspire all the courage I could, in order 
to induce him to come to our settlement, and bring with him 
all those of his country. 

During the winter, which lasted four months, I had suflS- 
cient leisure to observe their country, customs, dress, manner of 
hving, the character of their assembhes, and other things which 
I should like to describe. But it is necessary first to speak of 
the situation of the country in general and its divisions, also 
of the location of the tribes and the distances between them. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 311 

The country extends in length, in the direction from east 
to west, nearly four hundred and fifty leagues, and some 
eighty or a hundred leagues in breadth from north to south, 
from latitude 41° to 48° or 49°. This region is almost an 
island, surrounded by the great river Saint Lawrence, which 
passes through several lakes of great extent, on the shores of 
which dwell various tribes speaking different languages, 
having fixed abodes, and all fond of the cultivation of the soil, 
but with various modes of fife, and customs, some better 
than others. On the shore north of this great river, extending 
westerly some hundred leagues towards the Attigouantans, 
there are very high mountains, and the air is more temperate 
than in any other part of these regions, the latitude being 41°. 
All these places abound in game, such as stags, caribous, elks, 
does, buffaloes, bears, wolves, beavers, foxes, minxes, weasels, 
and many other kinds of animals which we do not have in 
France. Fishing is abundant, there being many varieties, 
both those which we have in France, as also others which we 
have not. There are hkewise many birds in their time and 
season. The coimtry is traversed by numerous rivers, brooks, 
and ponds, connecting with each other and finally emptying 
into the river St. Lawrence and the lakes through which it 
passes. The country is very pleasant in spring, is covered 
with extensive and lofty forests, and filled with wood similar 
to that which we have in France, although in many places 
there is much cleared land, where they plant Indian corn. 
This region also abounds in meadows, lowlands, and marshes, 
which furnish food for the animals before mentioned. 

The country north of the great river is very rough and 
mountainous, and extends in latitude from 47° to 49°, and 
in places abounds in rocks. So far as I could make out, 
these regions are inhabited by savages, who wander through 
the country, not engaging in the cultivation of the soil, nor 
doing anything, or at least as good as nothing. But they 
are hunters, now in one place, now in another, the region 
being very cold and disagreeable. This land on the north is 
in latitude 49° and extends over six hundred leagues in breadth 



312 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

from east to west, of parts of which we have full knowledge. 
There are also many fine large rivers rising in this region and 
discharging into the before-mentioned river, together with an 
infinite number of fine meadows, lakes, and ponds, through 
which they pass, where there is an abundance of fish. There 
are hkewise numerous islands which are for the most part 
cleared up and very pleasant, the most of them containing 
great quantities of vines and wild fruits. 

With regard to the regions further west, we cannot well 
determine their extent, since the people here have no knowl- 
edge of them except for two or three hundred leagues or more 
westerly, from whence comes the great river, which passes, 
among other places, through a lake having an extent of nearly 
thirty days' journey by canoe, namely that which we have 
called the Mer Douce. This is of great extent, being nearly 
four hundred leagues long. Inasmuch as the savages, with 
whom we are on friendly terms, are at war with other nations 
on the west of this great lake, we cannot obtain a more com- 
plete knowledge of them, except as they have told us several 
times that some prisoners from the distance of a hundred 
leagues had reported that there were tribes there Hke ourselves 
in color and in other respects. Through them they have seen 
the hair of these people, which is very Hght, and which they 
esteem highly, saying that it is hke our own. I can only con- 
jecture in regard to this, that the people they say resemble 
us were those more civilized than themselves. It would re- 
quire actual presence to ascertain the truth in regard to this 
matter. But assistance is needed, and it is only men of means, 
leisure, and energy, who could or would undertake to pro- 
mote this enterprise so that a full exploration of these places 
might be made, affording us a complete knowledge of them. 

In regard to the region south of the great river it is very 
thickly settled, much more so than that on the north, and by 
tribes who are at war with each other. The country is very 
pleasant, much more so than that on the northern border, and 
the air is more temperate. There are many kinds of trees 
and fruits not found north of the river, while there are many 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1616 313 

things on the north side, in compensation, not found on the 
south. The regions towards the east are sufficiently well 
known, inasmuch as the ocean borders these places. These 
are the coasts of Labrador, Newfoundland, Cape Breton, La 
Cadie, and the Almouchiquois,^ places well known, as I 
have treated of them sufficiently in the narrative of my pre- 
vious voyages, as likewise of the people hving there, on which 
account I shall not speak of them in this treatise, my object 
being only to make a succinct and true report of what I have 
seen in addition. 

The country of the nation of the Attigouantans is in lati- 
tude 44° 30', and extends two hundred and thirty leagues^ 
in length westerly, and ten in breadth. It contains eighteen 
villages, six of which are enclosed and fortified by pahsades 
of wood in triple rows, bound together, on the top of which 
are galleries, which they provide with stones and water; the 
former to hurl upon their enemies and the latter to extinguish 
the fire which their enemies may set to the pahsades. The 
country is pleasant, most of it cleared up. It has the shape 
of Brittany, and is similarly situated, being almost surrounded 
by the Mer Douce.^ They assume that these eighteen villages 
are inhabited by two thousand warriors, not including the 
common mass, which amounts to perhaps thirty thousand 
souls. 

Their cabins are in the shape of tunnels or arbors, and are 
covered with the bark of trees. They are from twenty-five 
to thirty fathoms long, more or less, and six wide, having a 
passage-way through the middle from ten to twelve feet wide, 
which extends from one end to the other. On the two sides 
there is a kind of bench, four feet high, where they sleep in 
summer, in order to avoid the annoyance of the fleas, of which 
there were great numbers. In winter they sleep on the ground 

* I.e., the New England coast. 

^ Probably a misprint for twenty-three, or twenty to thirty. (Laver- 
di^re.) 

^ I.e., by Lake Huron, and the waters connected with it, the River 
Severn and Lake Simcoe. 



314 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

on mats near the fire, so as to be warmer than they would be 
on the platform. They lay up a stock of dry wood, with 
which they fill their cabins, to burn in winter. At the ex- 
tremity of the cabins there is a space, where they preserve 
their Indian corn, which they put into great casks made of 
the bark of trees and placed in the middle of their encamp- 
ment. They have pieces of wood suspended, on which they 
put their clothes, provisions, and other things, for fear of the 
mice, of which there are great numbers. In one of these 
cabins there may be twelve fires, and twenty-four famiHes. 
It smokes excessively, from which it follows that many re- 
ceive serious injury to the eyes, so that they lose their sight 
towards the close of Hfe. There is no window nor any opening, 
except that in the upper part of their cabins for the smoke to 
escape. 

This is all that I have been able to learn about their mode 
of life ; and I have described to you fully the kind of dwelling 
of these people, as far as I have been able to learn it, 
which is the same as that of all the tribes hving in these 
regions. They sometimes change their villages at intervals 
of ten, twenty, or thirty years,^ and transfer them to a dis- 
tance of one, two, or three leagues from the preceding situation, 
except when compelled by their enemies to dislodge, in which 
case they retire to a greater distance, as the Antouhonorons, 
who went some forty to fifty leagues. This is the form of 
their dwellings, which are separated from each other some three 
or four paces, for fear of fire, of which they are in great dread. 

Their Hfe is a miserable one in comparison with our own ; 
but they are happy among themselves, not having experi- 
enced anything better, and not imagining that anything more 
excellent is to be found. Their principal articles of food are 
Indian corn and Brazihan beans, which they prepare in va- 
rious ways. By braying in a wooden mortar they reduce 
the corn to meal. They remove the bran by means of fans 
made of the bark of trees. From this meal they make bread, 
using also beans which they first boil, as they do the Indian 
* When the wood in the neighborhood became exhausted. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 315 

corn for soup, so that they may be more easily crushed. Then 
they mix all together, sometimes adding blueberries or dry rasp- 
berries, and sometimes pieces of deer's fat, though not often, 
as this is scarce with them. After steeping the whole in luke- 
warm water, they make bread in the form of bannocks or pies, 
which they bake in the ashes. After they are baked they 
wash them, and from these they often make others by wrapping 
them in com leaves, which they fasten to them, and then put- 
ting them in boihng water. 

But this is not their most common kind. They make an- 
other, which they call migan, which is as follows : They take 
the pounded Indian corn, without removing the bran, and 
put two or three handfuls of it in an earthen pot full of water. 
This they boil, stirring it from time to time, that it may not 
burn nor adhere to the pot. Then they put into the pot a 
small quantity of fish, fresh or dry, according to the season, 
to give a flavor to the migan, as they call it. They make it 
very often, although it smells badly, especially in winter, 
either because they do not know how to prepare it rightly, 
or do not wish to take the trouble to do so. They make two 
kinds of it, and prepare it very well when they choose. When 
they use fish the migan does not smell badly, but only when 
it is made with venison. After it is all cooked, they take out 
the fish, pound it very fine, and then put it all together into 
the pot, not taking the trouble to remove the appendages, 
scales, or inwards, as we do, which generally causes a bad taste. 
It being thus prepared, they deal out to each one his portion. 
This migan is very thin, and without much substance, as may 
be well supposed. As for drink, there is no need of it, the 
migan being sufficiently thin of itself. 

They have another kind of migan, namely, they roast new 
corn before it is ripe, which they preserve and cook whole 
with fish, or flesh when they have it. Another way is this: 
they take Indian corn, which is very dry, roast it in the ashes, 
then bray it and reduce it to meal as in the former case. This 
they lay up for the journeys which they undertake here and 
there. The migan made in the latter manner is the best 



316 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

according to my taste. Figure H shows the women braying 
their Indian corn. In preparing it, they cook a large quan- 
tity of fish and meat, which they cut into pieces and put into 
great kettles, which they fill with water and let it all boil well. 
When this is done, they gather with a spoon from the surface 
the fat which comes from the meat and fish. Then they 
put in the meal of the roasted corn, constantly stirring it until 
the migan is cooked and thick as soup. They give to each one 
a portion, together with a spoonful of the fat. This dish they 
are accustomed to prepare for banquets, but they do not gen- 
erally make it. 

Now the corn freshly roasted, as above described, is highly 
esteemed among them. They eat also beans, which they boil 
with the mass of the roasted flour, mixing in a httle fat and 
fish. Dogs are in request at their banquets, which they 
often celebrate among themselves, especially in winter, when 
they are at leisure. In case they go hunting for deer or go 
fishing, they lay aside what they get for celebrating these 
banquets, nothing remaining in their cabins but the usual 
thin migan, resembhng bran and water, such as is given to 
hogs to eat. 

They have another way of eating the Indian corn. In 
preparing it, they take it in the ear and put it in water under 
the mud, leaving it two or three months in this state until 
they think it is putrefied. Then they remove it, and eat it 
boiled with meat or fish. They also roast it, and it is better 
so than boiled. But I assure you that there is nothing that 
smells so badly as this corn as it comes from the water all 
muddy. Yet the women and children take it and suck it 
hke sugar-cane, nothing seeming to them to taste better, as 
they show by their manner. In general they have two meals 
a day. As for ourselves, we fasted all of Lent and longer, 
in order to influence them by our example. But it was time 
lost. 

They also fatten bears, which they keep two or three 
years, for the purpose of their banquets. I observed that if 
this people had domestic animals they would be interested 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 317 

in them and care for them very well, and I showed them the 
way to keep them, which would be an easy thing for them, 
since they have good grazing grounds in their country, and 
in large quantities, for all kinds of animals, horses, oxen, 
cows, sheep, swine, and other kinds, for lack of which one 
would consider them badly off, as they seem to be. Yet 
with all their drawbacks they seem to me to Uve happily 
among themselves, since their only ambition is to Uve and 
support themselves, and they lead a more settled hfe than 
those who wander through the forests hke brute beasts. They 
eat many squashes, which they boil, and roast in the ashes. 
In regard to their dress, they have various kinds and styles 
made of the skins of wild beasts, both those which they cap- 
ture themselves, and others which they get in exchange for 
their Indian corn, meal, porcelain, and fishing-nets from the 
Algonquins, Nipissings, and other tribes, which are hunters 
having no fixed abodes. All their clothes are of one uniform 
shape, not varied by any new styles. They prepare and fit 
very well the skins, making their breeches of deer-skin rather 
large, and their stockings of another piece, which extend up 
to the middle and have many folds. Their shoes are made 
of the skins of deer, bears, and beaver, of which they use 
great numbers. Besides, they have a robe of the same fur, 
in the form of a cloak, which they wear in the Irish or Eg)^- 
tian style, with sleeves which are attached with a string be- 
hind. This is the way they are dressed in winter, as is seen 
in figure D. When they go into the fields, they- gird up their 
robe about the body; but when in the village, they leave 
off their sleeves and do not gird themselves. The Milan trim- 
mings for decorating their garments are made of glue and the 
scrapings of the before-mentioned skins, of which they make 
bands in various styles according to their fancy, putting in 
places bands of red and brown color amid those of the glue, 
which always keep a whitish appearance, not losing at all 
their shape, however dirty they may get. There are those 
among these nations who are much more skilful than others 
in fitting the skins, and ingenious in inventing ornaments 



318 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

to put on their garments. It is our Montagnais and Algon- 
quins, above all others, who take more pains in this matter. 
They put on their robes bands of porcupine quills, which they 
dye a very fine scarlet color. They value these bands very 
highly, and detach them so that they may serve for other robes 
when they wish to make a change. They also make use of 
them to adorn the face, in order to give it a more graceful 
appearance whenever they wish particularly to decorate 
themselves. 

Most of them paint the face black and red. These colors 
they mix with oil made from the seed of the sun-fiower, or with 
bear's fat or that of other animals. They also dye their 
hair, which some wear long, others short, others on one side 
only. The women and girls always wear their hair in one 
uniform style. They are dressed like men, except that they 
always have their robes girt about them, which extend down 
to the knee. They are not at all ashamed to expose the body 
from the middle up and from the knees down, unlike the men, 
the rest being always covered. They are loaded with quan- 
tities of porcelain, in the shape of necklaces and chains, which 
they arrange in the front of their robes and attach to their 
waists. They also wear bracelets and earrings. They have 
their hair carefully combed, dyed, and oiled. Thus they go 
to the dance, with a knot of their hair behind bound up with 
eel-skin, which they use as a cord. Sometimes they put on 
plates a foot square, covered with porcelain, which hang on 
the back. Thus gaily dressed and habited, they dehght to 
appear in the dance, to which their fathers and mothers send 
them, forgetting nothing that they can devise to embelhsh 
and set off their daughters. I can testify that I have seen at 
dances a girl who had more than twelve pounds of porcelain 
on her person, not including the other bagatelles with which 
they are loaded and bedecked. In the illustration already 
cited, F shows the dress of the women, G that of the girls 
attired for the dance. 

All these people have a very^ jovial disposition, although 

*Fr. assez, i.e., somewhat. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 319 

there are many of them who have a sad and gloomy look. 
Their bodies are well proportioned. Some of the men and 
women are well formed, strong, and robust. There is a mod- 
erate number of pleasing and pretty girls, in respect to figure, 
color, and expression, all being in harmony. Their blood is 
but httle deteriorated, except when they are old. There are 
among these tribes powerful women of extraordinary height. 
These have almost the entire care of the house and work; 
namely, they till the land, plant the Indian corn, lay up a 
store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp and spin it, mak- 
ing from the thread fishing-nets and other useful things. 
The women harvest the corn, house it, prepare it for eating, 
and attend to household matters. Moreover they are expected 
to attend their husbands from place to place in the fields, 
filhng the office of pack-mule in carrying the baggage, and to 
do a thousand other things. All the men do is to hunt for 
deer and other animals, fish, make their cabins, and go to war. 
Having done these things, they then go to other tribes with 
which they are acquainted to traffic and make exchanges. 
On their return, they give themselves up to festivities and 
dances, which they give to each other, and when these are over 
they go to sleep, which they hke to do best of all things. 

They have some sort of marriage, which is as follows: 
when a girl has reached the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, 
fourteen, or fifteen years she has suitors, more or less accord- 
ing to her attractions, who woo her for some time. After 
this, the consent of their fathers and mothers is asked, to 
whose will the girls often do not submit, although the most 
discreet and considerate do so. The lover or suitor presents 
to the girl some necklaces, chains, and bracelets of porcelain. 
If the girl finds the suitor agreeable, she receives the present. 
Then the lover comes and remains with her three or four 
nights, without saying anything to her during the time. They 
receive thus the fruit of their affections. Whence it happens 
very often that, after from eight to fifteen days, if they cannot 
agree, she quits her suitor, who forfeits his necklaces and 
other presents that he has made, having received in return 



S^O VOYAGES OF SAMUEL BE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

only a meagre satisfaction. Being thus disappointed in his 
hopes, the man seeks another woman, and the girl another 
suitor, if it seems to them desirable. Thus they continue to 
do until a favorable union is formed. It sometimes happens 
that a girl thus passes her entire youth, having more than 
twenty mates, which twenty are not alone in the enjoyment 
of the creature, mated though they are ; for when night comes 
the young women run from one cabin to another, as do also 
the young men on their part, going where it seems good to 
them, but always without any violence, referring the whole 
matter to the pleasure of the woman. Their mates will do 
likewise to their women-neighbors, no jealousy arising among 
them on that account, nor do they incur any reproach or in- 
sult, such being the custom of the country. 

Now the time when they do not leave their mates is when 
they have children. The preceding mate returns to her, 
renews the affection and friendship which he had borne her 
in the past, asserting that it is greater than that of any other 
one, and that the child she has is his and of his begetting. 
The next says the same to her. In fine, the victory is with i 
the stronger, who takes the woman for his wife. Thus it ' 
depends upon the choice of the woman to take and accept him 
who shall please her best, having meantime in her searching 
and loves gained much porcelain and, besides, the choice of a 
husband. The woman remains with him without leaving 
him ; or if she do leave him, for he is on trial, it must be for 
some good reason other than impotence. But while with this 
husband, she does not cease to give herself free rein, yet re- 
mains always at home, keeping up a good appearance. Thus 
the children which they have together, born from such a woman, 
cannot be sure of their legitimacy. Accordingly, in view of 
this uncertainty, it is their custom that the children never 
succeed to the property and honors of their fathers, there being 
doubt, as above indicated, as to their paternity. They make, 
however, the children of their sisters, from whom they are 
known to have issued, their successors and heirs. 

The following is the way they nourish and bring up their 



1616] THE VOYAGE OE 1615 321 

children : they place them during the day on a little wooden 
board, wrapping them up in furs or skins. To this board they 
bind them, placing them in an erect position, and leaving a 
httle opening for the child to do its necessities. If it is a 
girl, they put a leaf of Indian corn between the thighs, which 
presses against its privates. The extremity of the leaf is 
carried outside in a turned position, so that the water of the 
child runs off on it without inconvenience. They put also 
under the children the down of certain reeds that we call 
hare's-foot, on which they rest very softly. They also clean 
them with the same down. As an ornament for the child, they 
adorn the board with beads, which they also put on its neck, 
however small it may be. At night they put it to bed, entirely 
naked, between the father and mother. It may be regarded 
as a great miracle that God should thus preserve it so that 
no harm befalls it, as might be expected, from suffocation, 
while the father and mother are in deep sleep, but that rarely 
happens. The children have great freedom among these 
tribes. The fathers and mothers indulge them too much, 
and never punish them. Accordingly they are so bad and of 
so vicious a nature, that they often strike their mothers and 
others. The most vicious, when they have acquired the 
strength and power, strike their fathers. They do this when- 
ever the father or mother does anything that does not please 
them. This is a sort of curse that God inflicts upon them. 

In respect to laws, I have not been able to find out that 
they have any, or anything that approaches them, inasmuch 
as there is not among them any correction, punishment, or 
censure of evil-doers, except in the way of vengeance when 
they return evil for evil, not by rule but by passion, which 
produces among them conflicts and differences, which occur 
very frequently. 

Moreover, they do not recognize any divinity, or worship 
any God and beheve in anything whatever, but hve Uke brute 
beasts.^ They have, however, some respect for the devil, 
or something so called, which is a matter of uncertainty, 

* See p. 96, note 1, and Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p. 494. 



322 VOYAGES OP SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

since the word which they use thus has various significations 
and comprises in itself various things. It is accordingly dif- 
ficult to determine whether they mean the devil or something 
else, but what especially leads to the behef that what they 
mean is the devil is this: whenever they see a man doing 
something extraordinary, or who is more capable than usual, 
or is a valiant warrior, or furthermore who is in a rage as if 
out of his reason and senses, they call him oqui, or, as we 
should say, a great knowing spirit, or a great devil. However 
this may be, they have certain persons, who are the oqui, 
or, as the Algonquins and Montagnais call them, manitous; 
and persons of this kind are the medicine-men, who heal the 
sick, bind up the wounded, and predict future events, who in 
fine practice all abuses and illusions of the devil to deceive 
and delude them. These oquis or conjurers persuade their 
patients and the sick to make, or have made banquets and 
ceremonies that they may be the sooner healed, their object 
being to participate in them finally themselves and get the 
principal benefit therefrom. Under the pretence of a more 
speedy cure, they likewise cause them to observe various other 
ceremonies, which I shall hereafter speak of in the proper 
place. These are the people in whom they put especial con- 
fidence, but it is rare that they are possessed of the devil and 
tormented Hke other savages hving more remote than them- 
selves. 

This gives additional reason and ground to beheve that 
their conversion to the knowledge of God would be more easy, 
if their country were inhabited by persons who would take 
the trouble and pains to instruct them. But it is not enough 
to send to them friars, unless there are those to support and 
assist them. For although these people have the desire to- 
day to know what God is, to-morrow this disposition will 
change when they are obliged to lay aside and bring under 
their foul ways, their dissolute manners, and their savage indul- 
gences. So that there is need of people and families to keep 
them in the way of duty, to constrain them through mildness 
to do better, and to move them by good example to mend their 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 323 

lives. Father Joseph and myself have many times conferred 
with them in regard to our belief, laws, and customs. They 
hsten attentively in their assemblies, sometimes saying to us : 

You say things that pass our knowledge, and which we cannot 
understand by words, being beyond our comprehension; but if you 
would do us a service come and dwell in this country, bringing 
your wives and children, and when they are here we shall see how 
you serve the God you worship, and how you live with your wives 
and children, how you cultivate and plant the soil, how you obey your 
laws, how you take care of animals, and how you manufacture all 
that we see proceeding from your inventive skill. When we see all 
this, we shall learn more in a year than in twenty by simply hear- 
ing you discourse; and if we cannot then understand, you shall 
take our children, who shall be as your own. And thus being 
convinced that our life is a miserable one in comparison with yours, 
it is easy to beheve that we shall adopt yours, abandoning our 
own. 

Their words seemed to me good common sense, showing 
the desire they have to get a knowledge of God. It is a great 
wrong to let so many men be lost, and see them perish at our 
door, without rendering them the succor which can only be 
given through the help of kings, princes, and ecclesiastics, who 
alone have the power to do this. For to them alone belongs 
the honor of so great a work ; namely, planting the Christian 
faith in an imknown region and among savage nations, since 
we are well informed about these people, that they long for 
and desire nothing so much as to be clearly instructed as to 
what they should do and avoid. It is accordingly the duty of 
those who have the power, to labor there and contribute of 
their abimdance, for one day they must answer before God 
for the loss of the souls which they allowed to perish through 
their neghgence and avarice ; ^ and these are not few but 
veiy numerous. Now this will be done when it shall please 
God to give them grace to this end. As for myself, I desire 

^ Lescarbot also complains of the indifference of the French ecclesias- 
tics. The zeal of the Recollects, and still more of the Jesuits, was soon to 
blot out the reproach. See Parkman, The Jesuits in North America. 



324 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

this result rather to-day than to-morrow, from the zeal which 
I have for the advancement of God's glory, for the honor of 
my King, and for the welfare and renown of my country. 

When they are sick the man or woman who is attacked 
with any disease sends for the oqui, who visits the patient 
and informs himself about the malady and the suffering. 
After this, the oqui sends for a large number of men, women, 
and girls, including three or four old women. These enter 
the cabin of the sick, dancing, each one having on his head 
the skin of a bear or some other wild beast, that of the bear 
being the most common as it is the most frightful. There are 
three or four other old women about the sick or suffering, 
who for the most part feign sickness, or are sick merely in 
imagination. But they are soon cured of this sickness, and 
generally make banquets at the expense of their friends or 
relatives, who give them something to put into their kettle, 
in addition to the presents which they receive from the dancers, 
such as porcelain and other bagatelles, so that they are soon 
cured; for when they find that they have nothing more to 
look for, they get up with what they have secured. But those 
who are really sick are not readily cured by plays, dances, and 
such proceedings. 

To return to my narrative : the old women near the sick 
person receive the presents each singing and pausing in turn. 
When all the presents have been made, they proceed to Hft 
up their voices with one accord, all singing together and keep- 
ing time with sticks on pieces of dry bark. Then all the women 
and girls proceed to the end of the cabin, as if they were about 
to begin a ballet or masquerade. The old women walk in 
front with their bearskins on their heads, all the others follow- 
ing them, one after the other. They have only two kinds of 
dances with regular time, one of four steps and the other of 
twelve, as in the trioli of Brittany. They exhibit much 
grace in dancing. Young men often take part with them. 
After dancing an hour or two, the old women lead out the sick 
person to dance, who gets up dolefully and prepares to dance, 
and after a short time she dances and enjoys as much as the 



1616J THE VOYAGE OF 1615 325 

others. I leave it to you to consider how sick she was. Below 
is represented the mode of their dances. 

The medicine-man thus gains honor and credit, his patient 
being so soon healed and on her feet. This treatment, how- 
ever, does nothing for those who are dangerously ill and re- 
duced by weakness, but causes their death rather than their 
cure ; for I can testify that they sometimes make such a noise 
and hubbub from morning until two o'clock at night that it 
is impossible for the patient to endure it without great pain. 
Sometimes the patient is seized with the desire to have the 
women and girls dance all together, which is done in accord- 
ance with the direction of the oqui. But this is not all, for 
he and the manitou, accompanied by some others, make 
grimaces, perform magic arts, and twist themselves about so 
that they generally end in being out of their senses, seemingly 
crazy, throwing the fire from one side of the cabin to the other, 
eating burning coals, holding them in their hands for a while, 
and throwing red-hot ashes into the eyes of the spectators. 
Seeing them in this condition, one would say that the devil, 
the oqui, or manitou, if he is thus to be called, possesses and 
torments them. This noise and hubbub being over, they 
retire each to his own cabin. 

But those who suffer especially during this time are the 
wives of those possessed, and all the inmates of their cabins, 
from the fear they have lest the raging ones burn up all that 
is in their homes. This leads them to remove everything that 
is in sight ; for as soon as he arrives he is all in a fury, his eyes 
flashing and frightful, sometimes standing up, sometimes 
seated, as his fancy takes him. Suddenly a fit seizes him, 
and laying hold of everything he finds in his way he throws 
them to one side and the other. Then he Hes down and sleeps 
for some time. Waking up with a jump, he seizes fire and 
stones, which he throws about recklessly on all sides. This 
rage passes off with the sleep which seizes him again. Then 
he rages and calls several of his friends to sweat with him. 
The latter is the best means they have for preserving themselves 
in health. While they are sweating, the kettle boils to prepare 



326 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

them something to eat. They remain, two or three hours or 
so, covered up with great pieces of bark and wrapped in their 
robes, with a great many stones about them which have been 
heated red-hot in the fire. They sing all the time while they 
are in the rage, occasionally stopping to take breath. Then 
they give them many draughts of water to drink, since they 
are very thirsty, when the demoniac, who was crazy or pos- 
sessed of an evil spirit, becomes sober. 

Thus it happens that three or four of these sick persons 
get well, rather by a happy coincidence and chance than in 
consequence of any intelligent treatment, and this confirms 
their false belief that they are healed by means of these cere- 
monies, not considering that, for two who are thus cured, 
ten others die on account of the noise, great hubbub and hiss- 
ing, which are rather calculated to kill than cure a sick person. 
But that they expect to recover their health by this noise, 
and we on the contrary by silence and rest, shows how the devil 
does everything in hostility to the good. 

There are also women who go into these rages, but they 
do not do so much harm. They walk on all fours Hke beasts. 
Seeing this, the magician, called oqui, begins to sing; then, 
with some contortions of the face, he blows upon her, direct- 
ing her to drink certain waters, and make at once a banquet 
of fish or flesh, which must be procured although very scarce 
at the time. When the shouting is over and the banquet 
ended, they return each to her own cabin. At another time 
he comes back and visits her, blowing upon her and singing 
in company with several others, who have been summoned 
for this purpose, and who hold in the hand a dry tortoise-shell 
filled with little pebbles, which they cause to resound in the 
ears of the sick woman. They direct her to make at once 
three or four banquets with singing and dancing, when all 
the girls appear adorned and painted as I have represented 
in figure G. The oqui orders masquerades, and directs them 
to disguise themselves, as those do who run along the streets 
in France on Mardi-gras.^ Thus they go and sing near the 

^ Shrove Tuesday. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 327 

bed of the sick woman and promenade through the village 
while the banquet is preparing to receive the maskers, who 
return very tired, having taken exercise enough to be able to 
empty the kettle of its migan. 

According to their custom each household lives on what 
it gets by fishing and planting, improving as much land as it 
needs. They clear it up with great difficulty, since they do 
not have the implements adapted to this purpose. A party 
strip the trees of all their branches, which they burn at their 
base in order to kill them. They clear carefully the land 
between the trees, and then plant their corn at distances of 
a pace, putting in each place some ten kernels, and so on 
until they have made provision for three or four years, fearing 
that a bad year may befall them. The women attend to the 
planting and harvesting, as I have said before, and to pro- 
curing a supply of wood for winter. All the women aid each 
other in procuring this provision of wood, which they do in 
the month of March or April, in the order of two days for each. 
Every household is provided with as much as it needs; and 
if a girl marries, each woman and girl is expected to carry to 
the newly married one a parcel of wood for her provision, since 
she could not procure it alone, and at a season when she has 
to give her attention to other things. 

The following is their mode of government : the older and 
leading men assemble in a council, in which they settle upon 
and propose all that is necessary for the affairs of the village. 
This is done by a plurality of voices, or in accordance with 
the advice of some one among them whose judgment they 
consider superior: such a one is requested by the company 
to give his opinion on the propositions that have been made, 
and this opinion is minutely obeyed. They have no particular 
chiefs with absolute command, but they show honor to the 
older and more courageous men, whom they name captains, 
as a mark of honor and respect, of which there are several 
in a village. But, although they confer more honor upon 
one than upon others, yet he is not on that account to bear 
sway, nor esteem himself higher than his companions, unless 



328 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

he does so from vanity. They make no use of punishments 
nor arbitrary command, but accomplish everything by the 
entreaties of the seniors, and by means of addresses and re- 
monstrances. Thus and not otherwise do they bring every- 
thing to pass. 

They all dehberate in common, and whenever any member 
of the assembly offers to do anything for the welfare of the 
village, or to go anywhere for the service of the community, 
he is requested to present himself, and if he is judged capable 
of carrying out what he proposes, they exhort him, by fair 
and favorable words, to do his duty. They declare him to be 
an energetic man, fit for undertakings, and assure him that he 
will win honor in accompHshing them. In a word, they en- 
courage him by flatteries, in order that this favorable disposi- 
tion of his for the welfare of his fellow-citizens may continue 
and increase. Then, according to his pleasure, he refuses the 
responsibihty, which few do, or accepts, since thereby he is 
held in high esteem. 

When they engage in wars or go to the country of their 
enemies, two or three of the older or valiant captains make a 
beginning in the matter, and proceed to the adjoining villages 
to communicate their purpose, and make presents to the 
people of these villages, in order to induce them to accompany 
them to the wars in question. In so far they act as generals 
of armies. They designate the place where they desire to go, 
dispose of the prisoners who are captured, and have the direc- 
tion of other matters of especial importance, of which they 
get the honor, if they are successful ; but, if not, the disgrace 
of failure in the war falls upon them. These captains alone 
are looked upon and considered as chiefs of the tribes. 

They have, moreover, general assembhes, with representa- 
tives from remote regions. These representatives come every 
year, one from each province, and meet in a town designated 
as the rendezvous of the assembly. Here are celebrated great 
banquets and dances, for three weeks or a month, according 
as they may determine. Here they renew their friendship, 
resolve upon and decree what they think best for the preser- 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 329 

vation of their country against their enemies, and make each 
other handsome presents, after which they retire each to his 
own district. 

In burying the dead, they take the body of the deceased, 
wrap it in furs, and cover it very carefully with the bark of 
trees. Then they place it in a cabin, of the length of the body, 
made of bark and erected upon four posts. Others they place 
in the ground, propping up the earth on all sides, that it may 
not fall on the body, which they cover with the bark of trees, 
putting earth on top. Over this trench they also make a little 
cabin. Now it is to be understood that the bodies remain in 
these places, thus inhumed, but for a period of eight or ten 
years, when the men of the village recommend the place where 
their ceremonies are to take place ; or, to speak more precisely, 
they hold a general council, in which all the people of the coun- 
try are present, for the purpose of designating the place where 
a festival is to be held. After this they return each to his 
own village, where they take all the bones of the deceased, 
strip them and make them quite clean. These they keep 
very carefully, although they smell hke bodies recently in- 
terred. Then all the relatives and friends of the deceased 
take these bones, together with their necklaces, furs, axes, 
kettles, and other things highly valued, and carry them, 
with a quantity of edibles, to the place assigned. Here, 
when all have assembled, they put the edibles in a place desig- 
nated by the men of the village, and engage in banquets and 
continual dancing. The festival continues for the space of 
ten days, during which time other tribes, from all quarters, 
come to witness it and the ceremonies. The latter are attended 
with great outlays. 

Now, by means of these ceremonies, including dances, 
banquets, and assemblies, as above stated, they renew their 
friendship to one another, saying that the bones of their rela- 
tives and friends are to be all put together, thus indicating 
by a figure that, as their bones are gathered together, and 
united in one and the same place, so ought they also, during 
their Hfe, to be united in one friendship and harmony, hke rela- 



330 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

tives and friends, without separation. Having thus mingled 
together the bones of their mutual relatives and friends, 
they pronounce many discourses on the occasion. Then, 
after various grimaces or exhibitions, they make a great trench, 
ten fathoms square, in which they put the bones, together with 
the necklaces, chains of porcelain, axes, kettles, sword-blades, 
knives, and various other trifles, which, however, are of no 
sHght account in their estimation. They cover the whole 
with earth, putting on top several great pieces of wood, and 
placing around many posts, on which they put a covering. 
This is their manner of proceeding with regard to the dead, 
and it is the most prominent ceremony they have. Some 
of them believe in the immortahty of the soul, while others 
have only a presentiment of it, which, however, is not so 
very different ; for they say that after their decease they will 
go to a place where they will sing Hke crows, a song, it must 
be confessed, quite different from that of angels. On the 
following page are represented their sepulchres and manner 
of interment. 

It remains to describe how they spend their time in winter ; 
namely, from the month of December to the end of March, 
or the beginning of our spring, when the snow melts. All 
that they might do during autimin, as I have before stated, 
they postpone to be done during winter; namely, their ban- 
quetings, and usual dances for the sake of the sick, which I 
have already described, and the assemblages of the inhabitants 
of various villages, where there are banquetings, singing, and 
dances, which they call tabagieSf and where sometimes five 
hundred persons are collected, both men, women, and girls. 
The latter are finely decked and adorned with the best and 
most costly things they have. 

On certain days they make masquerades, and visit each 
other's cabins, asking for the things they like, and if they 
meet those who have what they want, these give it to them 
freely. Thus they go on asking for many things without end ; 
so that a single one of those sohciting will have robes of beaver, 
bear, deer, lynxes, and other furs, also fish, Indian corn, to- 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 331 

bacco, or boilers, kettles, pots, axes, pruning-knives, knives, 
and other like things. They go to the houses and cabins of 
the village, singing these words. That one gave me this, an- 
other gave that, or hke words, by way of commendation. 
But if one gives them nothing they get angry, and show such 
spite towards him that when they leave they take a stone and 
put it near this man or that woman who has not given them 
anything. Then, without saying a word, they return singing, 
which is a mark of insult, censure, and ill-will. The women 
do so as well as the men, and this mode of proceeding takes 
place at night, and the masquerade continues seven or eight 
days. There are some of their villages which have maskers 
or merry-makers, as we do on the evening of Mardi-gras, and 
they invite the other villages to come and see them and win 
their utensils, if they can. Meanwhile banquets are not want- 
ing. This is the way they spend their time in winter. 

Moreover, the women spin, and pound meal for the journeys 
of their husbands in summer, who go to other tribes to trade, 
as they decide to do at the above-mentioned councils, in 
which it is determined what number of men may go from each 
village, that it may not be deprived of men of war for its 
protection; and nobody goes from the country without the 
general consent of the chiefs, or if they should go they would 
be regarded as behaving improperly. The men make nets 
for fishing, which they carry on in summer, but generally 
in winter, when they capture the fish under the ice with the 
line or with the seine. 

The following is their manner of fishing. They make 
several holes in a circular form in the ice, the one where they 
are to draw the seine being some five feet long and three wide. 
Then they proceed to place their net at this opening, attaching 
it to a rod of wood from six to seven feet long, which they put 
under the ice. This rod they cause to pass from hole to hole, 
when one or more men, putting their hands in the holes, take 
hold of the rod to which is attached an end of the net, until 
they unite at the opening of five to six feet. Then they let 
the net drop to the bottom of the water, it being sunk by Httle 



332 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAEST [1616 

Stones attached to the end. After it is down they draw it 
up again with their arms at its two ends, thus capturing the 
fish that are in it. This is, in brief, their manner of fishing in 
winter. 

The winter begins in the month of November and con- 
tinues until the month of April, when the trees begin to send 
forth the sap and show their buds. 

On the 22d of the month of April we received news from 
our interpreter, who had gone to Carantoiian, through those 
who had come from there. They told us that they had left 
him on the road, he having returned to the village for certain 
reasons. 

Now, resuming the thread of my narrative, our savages 
assembled to come with us, and conduct us back to our habi- 
tation, and for this purpose we set out from their country on 
the 20th of the month,^ and were forty days on the way. 
We caught a large number of fish and animals of various 
kinds, together with small game, which afforded us especial 
pleasure, in addition to the provisions thus furnished us for 
our journey. Upon our arrival among the French, towards 
the end of the month of June, I found Sieur du Pont Grave, 
who had come from France with two vessels, and who had 
almost despaired of seeing me again, having heard from the 
savages the bad news, that I was dead. 

We also saw all the holy fathers who had remained at 
our settlement. They too were very happy to see us again, 
and we none the less so to see them. Welcomes and fehci- 
tations on all sides being over, I made arrangements to set 
out from the Falls of St. Louis for our settlement, taking 
with me my host D'Arontal. I took leave also of all the other 
savages, assuring them of my affection, and that, if I could, 
I would see them in the future, to assist them as I had already 
done in the past, bringing them valuable presents to secure 
their friendship with one another, and begging them to forget 
all the disputes which they had had when I reconciled them, 
which they promised to do. 

^ Of May. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OF 1615 333 

Then we set out, on the 8th of July, and arrived at our 
settlement on the 11th of that month. Here I found every- 
body in good health, and we all, in company with our holy 
fathers, who chanted the Divine service, returned thanks to 
God for His care in preserving us, and protecting us amid 
the many perils and dangers to which we had been exposed. 

After this, and when everything had become settled, I 
proceeded to show hospitahties to my host, D'Arontal, who 
admired our building, our conduct, and mode of Hving. After 
carefully observing us, he said to me, in private, that he should 
never die contented until he had seen all of his friends, or at 
least a good part of them, come and take up their abode with 
us, in order to learn how to serve God, and our way of hving, 
which he esteemed supremely happy in comparison with their 
own. Moreover he said that, if he could not learn it by word 
of mouth, he would do so much better and more easily by 
sight and by frequent intercourse, and that, if their minds 
could not comprehend our arts, sciences, and trades, their 
children who were young could do so, as they had often rep- 
resented to us in their country in conversation with Father 
Joseph. He urged us, for the promotion of this object, to 
make another settlement at the Falls of St. Louis, so as to 
secure them the passage of the river against their enemies, 
assuring us that, as soon as we should build a house, they 
would come in numbers to Hve as brothers with us. Accord- 
ingly I promised to make a settlement for them as soon as 
possible. 

After we had remained four or five days together, I gave 
him some valuable presents, with which he was greatly pleased, 
and I begged him to continue his affection for us, and come 
again to see our settlement with his friends. Then he returned 
happy to the Falls of St. Louis, where his companions awaited 
him. 

When this Captain D'Arontal had departed, we enlarged 
our habitation by a third at least in buildings and fortifications, 
since it was not sufficiently spacious, nor convenient for re- 
ceiving the members of our own company and hkewise the 



334 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1616 

strangers that might come to see us. We used, in building, 
hme and sand entirely, which we found very good there in 
a spot near the habitation. This is a very useful material for 
building for those disposed to adapt and accustom themselves 
to it. 

The Fathers Denis and Joseph determined to return to 
France, in order to testify there to all they had seen, and to 
the hope they could promise themselves of the conversion of 
these people, who awaited only the assistance of the holy 
fathers in order to be converted and brought to our faith 
and the Cathohc religion. 

During my stay at the settlement I had some common 
grain cut; namely, French grain, which had been planted 
there and which had come up very finely, that I might take 
it to France, as evidence that the land is good and fertile. In 
another part, moreover, there was some fine Indian corn, also 
scions and trees which had been given us by Sieur du Monts 
in Normandy. In a word, all the gardens of the place were in 
an admirably fine condition, being planted with peas, beans, 
and other vegetables, also squashes and very superior radishes 
of various sorts, cabbages, beets, and other kitchen vegetables. 
When on the point of departure, we left two of our fathers at 
the settlement ; namely. Fathers Jean d'Olbeaii and Pacifique, 
who were greatly pleased with all the time spent at that place, 
and resolved to await there the return of Father Joseph, who 
was expected to come back in the following year, which he 
did. 

We sailed in our barques the 20th day of July, and arrived 
at Tadoussac the 23d day of the month, where Sieur du Pont 
Grave awaited us with his vessel ready and equipped. In 
this we embarked and set out the 3d day of the month of 
August. The wind was so favorable that we arrived in health 
by the grace of God, at Honfleur,^ on the 10th day of Septem- 
ber, one thousand six hundred and sixteen, and upon our 

^ On his return Champlain found that the turbulent Cond6 had been 
flung into the Bastille, whence he did not emerge till 1619. See the edition 
of 1632. 



1616] THE VOYAGE OE 1615 335 

arrival rendered praise and thanks to God for his great care 
in preserving our Mves, and delivering and even snatching 
us, as it were, from the many dangers to which we had been 
exposed, and for bringing and conducting us in health to 
our country ; we besought Him also to move the heart of our 
King and the gentlemen of his council, to contribute their 
assistance so far as necessary to bring these poor savages 
to the knowledge of God, whence honor will redound to his 
Majesty, grandeur and growth to his realm, profit to his sub- 
jects, and the glory of all these undertakings and toils to God, 
the sole author of all excellence, to whom be honor and glory. 
Amen. 



CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGES AND 

DISCOVERIES MADE IN NEW 

FRANCE, IN THE YEAR 

1618 



CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGES AND 
DISCOVERIES MADE IN NEW FRANCE 

BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, CAPTAIN FOR THE KING 

IN THE WESTERN MARINE, 

IN THE YEAR 1618 

At the beginning of the year one thousand six hundred 
and eighteen, on the twenty-second of March, I set out from 
Paris ^ together with my brother-in-law,"'' for Honfleur, our 
usual port of embarkation. There we were obUged to make 
a long stay on account of contrary winds. But when they 
had become favorable, we embarked on the large vessel of 
the Association,^ which Sieur du Pont Grave commanded. 
There was also on board a nobleman, named De la Mothe,* 
who had previously made a voyage with the Jesuits to the re- 
gions of La Cadie, where he was taken prisoner by the English, 
and by them carried to the Virginias, the place of their settle- 
ment. Some time after, they transferred him to England and 
from there to France, where there arose in him an increased 
desire to make another voyage to New France, which led 
him to seek the opportunity presented by me. I had assured 
him, accordingly, that I would use my influence and assistance 
with our associates, as it seemed to me that they would find 

^ Champlain made a voyage to New France in 1617, but published no 
record of its events, which were apparently unimportant. See Biggar, 
Early Trading Companies of New France, pp. 104-106. 

^ Eustache Boulle, son of Nicolas Boull6, secretary of the king's 
chamber. 

^ Champlain's Company of New France. 

* Nicolas de la Mothe, who had been lieutenant to the Sieur de la Saus- 
saye in the founding of Madame de Guercheville's colony on Mt. Desert, 
destroyed by Argall in 1613. 

339 



a40 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

such a person desirable, since he would be very useful in those 
regions. 

Our embarkation being made, we took our departure 
from Honfleur on the 24th day of May following, in the year 
1618. The wind was favorable for our voyage, but continued 
so only a very few days, when it suddenly changed, and we 
had all the time head winds up to our arrival, on the 3d day 
of June following, on the Grand Bank, where the fresh fishery 
is carried on. Here we perceived to the windward of us some 
banks of ice, which came down from the north. While wait- 
ing for a favorable wind we engaged in fishing, which afforded 
us great pleasure, not only on account of the fish but also of 
a kind of bird called fauquets,^ and other kinds that are caught 
on the fine Hke fish. For, on throwing the fine, with its hook 
baited with cod liver, these birds made for it with a rush, and 
in such numbers that you could not draw it out in order to 
throw it again, without capturing them by the beak, feet, 
and wings as they flew and fell upon the bait, so great were the 
eagerness and voracity of these birds. This fishing afforded 
us great pleasure, not only on account of the sport, but on 
account of the infinite number of birds and fish that we cap- 
tured, which were very good eating, and made a very desirable 
change on shipboard. 

Continuing on our route, we arrived on the 15th of the 
month off Isle Perc^e, and on St. John's day ^ following en- 
tered the harbor of Tadoussac, where we found our small 
vessel, which had arrived three weeks before us. The men 
on her told us that Sieur des Chesnes, the commander, had 
gone to our settlement at Quebec. Thence he was to go to 
the Trois Rivieres to meet the savages, who were to come 
there from various regions for the purpose of trade, and Hke- 
wise to determine what was to be done on account of the 
death of two of our men, who had been treacherously and 
perfidiously killed by two vicious young men of the Mon- 
tagnais. These two unfortunate victims, as the men on the 

* Probably the common tern, or sea swallow. (Slafter.) ' ixme 24. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 341 

vessel informed us, had been killed while out hunting nearly 
two years ^ before. Those in the settlement had always 
supposed that they had been drowned from the upsetting of 
their canoe, until a short time before, one of the men, conceiv- 
ing an animosity against the murderers, made a disclosure 
and communicated the fact and cause of the murder to the 
men of our settlement. For certain reasons it has seemed 
to me well to give an account of the matter and of what was 
done in regard to it. But it is almost impossible to obtain 
the exact truth in the case, on account, not only of the small 
amount of testimony at hand, but of the diversity of 
the statements made, the most of which were presumptive. 
I will, however, give an account of the matter here, fol- 
lowing the statement of the greater number as being nearer 
the truth, and relating what I have found to be the most 
probable. 

The following is the occasion of the murder of the two un- 
fortunate deceased. One of the two murderers paid frequent 
visits to our settlement, receiving there a thousand kindnesses 
and favors, among other persons from Sieur du Pare, a noble- 
man from Normandy, in command at the time at Quebec, in 
the service of the King and in behalf of the merchants of this 
Association in the year 1616. This savage, while on one of 
his customary visits, received one day, on account of some 
jealousy, ill treatment from one of the two murdered men, 
who was by profession a locksmith, and who after some words 
beat the savage so soundly as to impress it well upon his mem- 
ory. And not satisfied with beating and misusing the savage 
he incited his companions to do the same, which aroused 
still more the hatred and animosity of the savage towards this 
locksmith and his companions, and led him to seek an oppor- 
tunity to revenge himself. He accordingly watched for a 
time and opportunity for doing so, acting however cautiously 

* This would make the murder take place in August or September, 

1616. Sagard (Histoire du Canada, p. 42) places it in the middle of April, 

1617. Champlain's date is the more probable, as there would be little game 
in April. 



342 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

and appearing as usual, without showing any sign of resent- 
ment. 

Some time after, the locksmith and a sailor named Charles 
Pillet, from the island of Re,^ arranged to go hunting and 
stay away three or four nights. For this purpose they got 
ready a canoe, and embarking departed from Quebec for 
Cape Tourmente. Here there were some Httle islands where 
a great quantity of game and birds resorted, near Isle d'Orleans, 
and distant seven leagues from Quebec. The departure of 
our men became at once known to the two savages, who were 
not slow in starting to pursue them and carry out their evil 
design. They sought for the place where the locksmith and 
his companion went to sleep, in order to surprise them. Hav- 
ing ascertained it at evening, at break of day on the following 
morning the two savages shpped quietly along certain very 
pleasant meadows. Arriving at a point near the place in 
question, they moored their canoe, landed and went straight 
to the cabin, where our men had slept. But they found only 
the locksmith, who was preparing to go hunting with his com- 
panion, and who thought of nothing less than of what was to 
befall him. One of these savages approached him, and with 
some pleasant words removed from him all suspicion of any- 
thing wrong in order that he might the better deceive him. 
But as he saw him stoop to adjust his arquebus, he quickly 
drew a club that he had concealed on his person, and gave the 
locksmith so heavy a blow on his head, that it sent him stag- 
gering and completely stunned. The savage, seeing that the 
locksmith was preparing to defend himself, repeated his blow, 
struck him to the ground, threw himself upon him, and with 
a knife gave him three or four cuts in the stomach, killing 
him in this horrible manner. 

In order that they might also get possession of the sailor, 
the companion of the locksmith who had started early in the 
morning to go hunting, not because they bore any special 
hatred towards him, but that they might not be discovered 
nor accused by him, they went in all directions searching for 

» Off Rochelle. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 343 

him. At last, from the report of an arquebus which they 
heard, they discovered where he was, in which direction they 
rapidly hastened, so as to give no time to the sailor to reload 
his arquebus and put himself in a state of defence. Approach- 
ing, they fired their arrows at him, by which having pros- 
trated him, they ran upon him and finished him with the 
knife. 

Then the assassins carried off the body, together with the 
other, and, binding them so firmly together that they would 
not come apart, attached to them a quantity of stones and 
pebbles, together with their weapons and clothes, so as not 
to be discovered by any sign, after which they carried them 
to the middle of the river, threw them in, and they sank to 
the bottom. Here they remained a long time until, through 
the will of God, the cords broke, and the bodies were washed 
ashore and thrown far up on the bank, to serve as accusers 
and incontestable witnesses of the attack of these two cruel 
and treacherous assassins. For the two bodies were found at a 
distance of more than twenty feet from the water in the woods, 
but had not become separated in so long a time, being still 
firmly bound, the bones, stripped of the flesh Hke a skeleton, 
alone remaining. For the two victims, contrary to the ex- 
pectation of the two murderers, who thought they had done 
their work so secretly that it would never be known, were 
found a long time after their disappearance by the men of 
our settlement, who, pained at their absence, searched for 
them along the banks of the river. But God in his justice 
would not permit so enormous a crime, and had caused it 
to be exposed by another savage, their companion, in retalia- 
tion for an injury he had received from them. Thus their 
wicked acts were disclosed. 

The holy fathers and the men of the settlement were greatly 
surprised at seeing the bodies of these two unfortunates, with 
their bones all bare, and their skulls broken by the blows 
received from the club of the savages. The fathers and others 
at the settlement advised to preserve them in some portion 
of the settlement until the return of our vessels, in order to 



344 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

consult with all the French as to the best course to pursue 
in the matter. Meanwhile our people at the settlement re- 
solved to be on their guard, and no longer allow so much free- 
dom to these savages as they had been accustomed to, but on 
the contrary require reparation for so cruel a murder by a 
process of justice, or some other way, or let things in the mean- 
time remain as they were, in order the better to await our 
vessels and our return, that we might all together consult what 
was to be done in the matter. 

But the savages seeing that this iniquity was discovered, 
and that they and the murderer were obnoxious to the French, 
were seized with despair, and, fearing that our men would 
exercise vengeance upon them for this murder, withdrew for 
a while from our settlement.^ Not only those guilty of the 
act but the others also being seized with fear came no longer 
to the settlement, as they had been accustomed to do, but 
waited for greater security for themselves. 

Finding themselves deprived of intercourse with us, and 
of their usual welcome, the savages sent one of their compan- 
ions, named by the French La Ferriere, to make their excuses 
for this murder; namely, they asserted they had never been 
accompUces in it, and had never consented to it, and that 
if it was desired to have the two murderers for the sake of 
inflicting justice, the other savages would wiUingly consent 
to it, unless the French should be pleased to take as repara- 
tion and restitution for the dead some valuable presents of 
skins, as they are accustomed to do in return for a thing that 
cannot be restored. They earnestly entreated the French 
to accept this rather than require the death of the accused, 
which they anticipated would be hard for them to execute, 
and so doing to forget everything as if it had not occurred.^ 

To this, in accordance with the advice of the holy fathers, 

* Sagard (Histoire du Canada, p. 42) says that the Indians gathered 
at Three Rivers to the number of 800, and assumed a threatening attitude. 

' Sagard, pp. 44, 45, tells us that the majority of the laity were in favor 
of accepting this offer, especially as famine was threatening the settlement, 
but that the clergy held out against it. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 345 

it was decided to reply that the savages should bring and 
deliver up the two malefactors, in order to ascertain from 
them their accomplices, and who had incited them to do the 
deed. This they communicated to La Ferriere for him to 
report to his companions. 

This decision having been made, La Ferriere withdrew to 
his companions, who upon hearing the decision of the French 
found this procedure and mode of justice very strange and 
difficult ; since they have no estabUshed law among themselves, 
but only vengeance and restitution by presents. After con- 
sidering the whole matter and deliberating with one another 
upon it, they summoned the two murderers and set forth to 
them the unhappy position into which they had been thrown 
by the event of this murder, which might cause a perpetual 
war with the French, from which their women and children 
would suffer. However much trouble they might give us, 
and although they might keep us shut up in our settlement 
and prevent us from hunting, cultivating and tilhng the soil, 
and although we were in too small numbers to keep the river 
blockaded, as they persuaded themselves to beheve in their 
consultations; still, after all their deliberations, they con- 
cluded that it was better to hve in peace with the French than 
in war and perpetual distrust. 

Accordingly the savages thus assembled, after finishing 
their consultation and representing the situation to the ac- 
cused, asked them if they would not have the courage to go 
with them to the settlement of the French and appear be- 
fore them ; promising them that they should receive no harm, 
and assuring them that the French were lenient and disposed 
to pardon, and would in short go so far in deaUng with them 
as to overlook their offence on condition of their not returning 
to such evil ways. 

The two criminals, finding themselves convicted in con- 
science, yielded to this proposition and agreed to follow this 
advice. Accordingly one of them made preparations, ar- 
raying himself in such garments and decorations as he could 
procure, as if he had been invited to go to a marriage or some 



346 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

great festivity. Thus attired, he went to the settlement, 
accompanied by his father, some of the principal chiefs, and 
the captain of their company. As to the other murderer, he 
excused himself from this journey, reaUzing his guilt of the 
heinous act and fearing punishment. 

When now they had entered the habitation, which was 
forthwith surrounded by a multitude of the savages of their 
company, the bridge was drawn up, and all of the French 
put themselves on guard, arms in hand. They kept a strict 
watch, sentinels being posted at the necessary points, for fear 
of what the savages outside might do, since they suspected 
that it was intended actually to inflict punishment upon the 
guilty one, who had so freely offered himself to our mercy, 
and not upon him alone, but upon those also who had accom- 
panied him inside, who Ukewise were not too sure of their 
persons, and who, seeing matters in this state, did not expect 
to get out with their hves. The whole matter was very well 
managed and carried out, so as to make them reaUze the mag- 
nitude of the crime and have fear for the future. Other- 
wise there would have been no security with them, and we 
should have been obUged to hve with arms in hand and in 
perpetual distrust. 

After this, the savages suspecting lest something might 
happen contrary to what they hoped from us, the holy fathers 
proceeded to make them an address on the subject of this 
crime. They set forth to them the friendship which the French 
had shown them for ten or twelve years back, when we began 
to know them, during which time we had continually Hved 
in peace and intimacy with them, nay even with such freedom 
as could hardly be expressed. They added moreover that I 
had in person assisted them several times in war against their 
enemies, thereby exposing my hfe for their welfare; while 
we were not under any obligations to do so, being impelled 
only by friendship and good will towards them, and feehng 
pity at the miseries and persecutions which their enemies 
caused them to endure and suffer. This is why we were unable 
to believe, they said, that this murder had been committed 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 347 

without their consent, and especially since they had taken it 
upon themselves to favor those who committed it. 

Speaking to the father of the criminal, they represented to 
him the enormity of the deed committed by his son, saying 
that as reparation for it he deserved death, since by our law 
so wicked a deed did not go unpunished, and that whoever 
was found guilty and convicted of it deserved to be con- 
demned to death as reparation for so heinous an act; but, 
as to the other inhabitants of the country, who were not 
guilty of the crime, they said no one wished them any harm 
or desired to visit upon them the consequences of it. 

All the savages, having clearly heard this, said, as their 
only excuse, but with all respect, that they had not consented 
to this act ; that they knew very well that these two criminals 
ought to be put to death, unless we should be disposed to par- 
don them ; that they were well aware of their wickedness, not 
before but after the commission of the deed; that they had 
been informed of the death of the two ill-fated men too late 
to prevent it. Moreover, they said that they had kept it 
secret, in order to preserve constantly an intimate relation- 
ship and confidence with us, and declared that they had ad- 
ministered to the evil-doers severe reprimands, and set forth 
the calamity which they had not only brought upon them- 
selves, but upon all their tribe, relatives, and friends; and 
they promised that such a calamity should never occur again 
and begged us to forget this offence, and not visit it with 
the consequences it deserved, but rather go back to the 
primary motive which induced the two savages to go there, 
and have regard for that. Furthermore they said that the 
culprit had come freely and dehvered himself into our 
hands, not to be punished but to receive mercy from the 
French. 

But the father, turning to the friar, said with tears, there 
is my son, who committed the supposed crime ; he is worth- 
less, but consider that he is a young, foohsh, and inconsiderate 
person, who has committed this act through passion, impelled 
by vengeance rather than by premeditation: it is in your 



348 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

power to give him life or death; you can do with him what 
you please, since we are both in your hands. 

After this address, the culprit son, presenting himself with 
assurance, spoke these words. Fear has not so seized my 
heart as to prevent my coming to receive death according 
to my deserts and your law, of which I acknowledge myself 
guilty. Then he stated to the company the cause of the mur- 
der, and the planning and execution of it, just as I have re- 
lated and here set forth. 

After his recital he addressed himself to one of the agents 
and clerks of the merchants of our Association, named Beau- 
chaine, begging him to put him to death without further for- 
mahty. 

Then the holy fathers spoke, and said to them, that the 
French were not accustomed to put their fellow-men to death 
so suddenly, and that it was necessary to have a consulta- 
tion with all the men of the settlement, and bring forward 
this affair as the subject of consideration. This being a 
matter of great consequence, it was decided that it should be 
carefully conducted and that it was best to postpone it to a 
more favorable occasion, which would be better adapted to 
obtain the truth, the present time not being favorable for 
many reasons. 

In the first place, we were weak in numbers in comparison 
with the savages without and within our settlement, who, re- 
sentful and full of vengeance as they are, would have been 
capable of setting fire on all sides and creating disorder among 
us. In the second place, there would have been perpetual 
distrust, and no security in our intercourse with them. In 
the third place, trade would have been injured, and the ser- 
vice of the King impeded. 

In view of these and other urgent considerations, it was 
decided that we ought to be contented with their putting 
themselves in our power and their willingness to give satisfac- 
tion submissively, the father of the criminal on the one hand 
presenting and offering him to the company, and he, for his 
part, offering to give up his own hfe as restitution for his 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 349 

offence, just as his father offered to produce him whenever 
he might be required. 

This it was thought necessary to regard as a sort of honor- 
able amend, and a satisfaction to justice. And it was con- 
sidered that if we thus pardoned the offence, not only would 
the criminal receive his Ufe from us, but, also, his father and 
companions would feel imder great obhgations. It was 
thought proper, however, to say to them as an explanation of 
our action, that, in view of the fact of the criminal's pubhc 
assurance that all the other savages were in no respect ac- 
compHces, or to blame for the act, and had had no knowl- 
edge of it before its accompHshment, and in view of the fact 
that he had freely offered himself to death, it had been decided 
to restore him to his father, who should remain under obh- 
gations to produce him at any time. On these terms and on 
condition that he should in future render service to the 
French, his hfe was spared, that he and all the savages might 
continue friends and helpers of the French. 

Thus it was decided to arrange the matter until the vessel 
should return from France, when, in accordance with the 
opinion of the captains and others, a definite and more authori- 
tative settlement was to be concluded. In the mean time 
we promised them every favor and the preservation of their 
hves, saying to them, however, for our security, that they 
should leave some of their children as a kind of hostage, to 
which they very wilhngly acceded, and left at the settlement 
two in the hands of the holy fathers, who proceeded to teach 
them their letters, and in less than three months taught them 
the alphabet and how to make the letters. 

From this it may be seen that they are capable of instruc- 
tion and are easily taught, as Father Joseph can testify. 

The vessels having safely arrived, Sieur du Pont Grave, 
some others, and myself were informed how the affair had 
taken place, as has been narrated above, when we all decided 
that it was desirable to make the savages feel the enormity 
of this murder, but not to execute punishment upon them, 
for various good reasons hereafter to be mentioned. 



360 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

As soon as our vessels had entered the harbor of Tadoussac, 
even on the morning of the next day, Sieur du Pont Grave 
and myself set sail again, on a small barque of ten or twelve 
tons' burden. So also Sieur de la Mothe, together with Father 
Jean d'Albeau, a friar, and one of the clerks and agent of the 
merchants, named Loquin, embarked on a little shallop, and 
we set out together from Tadoussac. There remained on the 
vessel another friar, called Father Modeste,^ together with 
the pilot and master, to take care of her. We arrived at Quebec, 
the place of our settlement, on the 27th of June following. 
Here we found Fathers Joseph, Paul, and Pacifique, the friars, 
and Sieur Hebert^ with his family, together with the other 
members of the settlement. They were all well, and delighted 
at our return in good health hke themselves, through the mercy 
of God. 

The same day Sieur du Pont Grave determined to go to 
Trois Rivieres, where the merchants carried on their trad- 
ing, and to take with him some merchandise, with the purpose 
of meeting Sieur des Chesnes, who was already there. He 
also took with him Loquin, as before mentioned. I stayed 
at our settlement some days, occupying myself with business 
relating to it; among other things in building a furnace for 
making an experiment with certain ashes, directions for which 
had been given me, and which are in truth of great value; 
but it requires labor, diUgence, watchfulness and skill; and 
for the working of these ashes a sufficient number of men are 
needed who are acquainted with this art. This first experi- 
ment did not prove successful, and we postponed further 
trial to a more favorable opportunity. 

I visited the cultivated lands, which I found planted 
with fine grain. The gardens contained all kinds of plants, 
cabbages, radishes, lettuce, purslain, sorrel, parsley, and other 

* Frere Modeste Guines. See Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p. 40. 

* Louis Hebert, an apothecary, who had been at Port Royal with 
Poutrincourt, removed in 1617 with his family from Paris to Quebec, where 
he was the first settler to live by the cultivation of the soil. He died at 
Quebec in 1627. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OE 1618 351 

plants, squashes, cucumbers, melons, peas, beans and other 
vegetables, which were as fine and forward as in France. 
There were also the vines, which had been transplanted, al- 
ready well advanced. In a word, you could see everything 
growing and flourishing. Aside from God, we are not to give 
the praise for this to the laborers or their skill, for it is probable 
that not much is due to them, but to the richness and excel- 
lence of the soil, which is naturally good and adapted for every- 
thing, as experience shows, and might be turned to good ac- 
count, not only for purposes of tillage and the cultivation of 
fruit-trees and vines, but also for the nourishment and rearing 
of cattle and fowl, such as are common in France. But the 
thing lacking is zeal and affection for the welfare and service 
of the King. 

I tarried some time at Quebec, in expectation of further 
intelhgence, when there arrived a barque from Tadoussac, 
which had been sent by Sieur du Pont Grave to get the men 
and merchandise remaining at that place on the before-men- 
tioned large vessel. Leaving Quebec, I embarked with them 
for Trois Rivieres, where the trading was going on, in order 
to see the savages and communicate with them, and ascertain 
what was taking place respecting the assassination above set 
forth, and what could be done to settle and smooth over the 
whole matter. 

On the 5th of July following I set out from Quebec, to- 
gether with Sieur de la Mothe, for Trois Rivieres, both for 
engaging in traffic and to see the savages. We arrived at 
evening off Sainte Croix, ^ a place on the way so called. Here 
we saw a shallop coming straight to us, in which were some 
men from Sieurs du Pont Grave and des Chesnes, and also 
some clerks and agents of the merchants. They asked me to 
despatch at once this shallop to Quebec for some merchandise 
remaining there, saying that a large number of savages had 
come for the purpose of making war. 

This intelligence was very agreeable to us, and in order 
to satisfy them, on the morning of the next day I left my 

^ Now known as Point Platon. 



352 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

barque and went on board a shallop in order to go more speedily 
to the savages, while the other, which had come from Trois 
Rivieres, continued its course to Quebec/ We made such 
progress by rowing that we arrived at the before-mentioned 
place on the 7th of July at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Upon 
landing, all the savages with whom I had been intimate in 
their country recognized me. They were awaiting me with 
impatience, and came up to me very happy and deHghted to 
see me again, one after the other embracing me with dem- 
onstrations of great joy, I also receiving them in the same 
manner. In this agreeable way was spent the evening and 
remainder of this day, and on the next day the savages held 
a council among themselves, to ascertain from me whether 
I would again assist them, as I had done in the past and as I 
had promised them, in their wars against their enemies, by 
whom they are cruelly harassed and tortured. 

Meanwhile on our part we took counsel together to deter- 
mine what we should do in the matter of the murder of the 
two deceased, in order that justice might be done, and that 
they might be restrained from committing such an offence 
in future. 

In regard to the assistance urgently requested by the sav- 
ages for making war against their enemies, I replied that my 
disposition had not changed nor my courage abated, but 
that what prevented me from assisting them was that on the 
previous year, when the occasion and opportunity presented, 
they failed me when the time came ; because when they had 
promised to return with a good number of warriors they did 
not do so, which caused me to withdraw without accomplish- 
ing much. Yet I told them the matter should be taken into 
consideration, but that for the present it was proper to deter- 



* In the edition of 1627 the reading is: "I left my bark and went on 
board the said shallop to return to Quebec. Having arrived there, I had it 
loaded with various articles of merchandise from the store-houses of that 
settlement, of the sorts most desired by and most necessary to the savages. 
This done, I embarked next morning in a shallop, as one of a party of six, 
to engage in that trade, and we made such progress by rowing," etc. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 353 

mine what should be done in regard to the assassination of 
the two unfortunate men, and that satisfaction must be had. 
Upon this they left their council in seeming anger and vex- 
ation about the matter, offering to kill the criminals, and pro- 
ceed at once to their execution, if assent were given, and ac- 
knowledging freely among themselves the enormity of the affair. 

But we would not consent to this, postponing our assist- 
ance to another time, requiring them to return to us the next 
year with a good number of men. I assured them, moreover, 
that I would entreat the King to favor us with men, means, 
and suppUes to assist them and enable them to enjoy the rest 
they longed for, and victory over their enemies. At this 
they were greatly pleased, and thus we separated after they 
had held two or three meetings on the subject, costing us 
several hours of time. Two or three days after my arrival at 
this place they proceeded to make merry, dance, and celebrate 
many great banquets in view of the future war in which I 
was to assist them. 

Then I stated to Sieur du Pont Grav^ what I thought about 
this murder ; that it was desirable to make a greater demand 
upon them; that at present the savages would dare not only 
to do the same thing again but what would be more injurious 
to us; that I considered them people who were governed 
by example; that they might accuse the French of being 
wanting in courage ; that if we said no more about the matter 
they would infer that we were afraid of them : and that if we 
should let them go so easily they would grow more insolent, 
bold, and intolerable, and we should even thereby tempt 
them to imdertake greater and more pernicious designs. 
Moreover I said that the other tribes of savages, who had or 
should get knowledge of this act, and that it had been unre- 
venged, or compromised by gifts and presents, as is their cus- 
tom, would boast that kilHng a man is no great matter ; since 
the French make so httle account of seeing their companions 
killed by their neighbors, who drink, eat, and associate in- 
timately with them, as may be seen. 

But, on the other hand, in consideration of the various 

2a 



354 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL BE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

circumstances; namely, that the savages do not exercise 
reason, that they are hard to approach, are easily estranged, 
and are very ready to take vengeance, that, if we should force 
them to infhct punishment, there would be no security for 
those desirous of making explorations among them, we deter- 
mined to settle this affair in a friendly manner, and pass over 
quietly what had occurred, leaving them to engage peaceably 
in their traffic with the clerks and agents of the merchants 
and others in charge. 

Now there was with them a man named Estienne Brule, 
one of our interpreters, who had been Hving with them for 
eight years, as well to pass his time as to see the country 
and learn their language and mode of Hfe. He is the one 
whom I had despatched with orders to go in the direction 
of the Entouhonorons, to Carantoiian, in order to bring with 
him the five hundred warriors they had promised to send to 
assist us in the war in which we were engaged against their 
enemies, a reference to which is made in the narrative of 
my previous book/ I called this man, namely Estienne 
Brule, and asked him why he had not brought the assistance 
of the five hundred men, and what was the cause of the delay, 
and why he had not rendered me a report. Thereupon he 
gave me an account of the matter, a narrative of which it 
will not be out of place to give, as he is more to be pitied than 
blamed on account of the misfortunes which he experienced 
on this commission. 

He proceeded to say that, after taking leave of me to go 
on his journey and execute his commission, he set out with 
the twelve savages whom I had given him for the purpose 
of showing the way, and to serve as an escort on account of 
the dangers which he might have to encounter. They were 
successful in reaching the place, Carantoiian, but not without 
exposing themselves to risk, since they had to pass through 
the territories of their enemies, and, in order to avoid any 
evil design, pursued a more secure route through thick and 
impenetrable forests, wood and brush, marshy bogs, frightful 

1 See p. 287. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 355 

and unfrequented places and wastes, all to avoid danger and 
a meeting with their enemies. 

But, in spite of this great care, Brule and his savage com- 
panions, while crossing a plain, encountered some hostile 
savages, who were returning to their village and who were 
surprised and worsted by our savages, four of the enemy 
being killed on the spot and two taken prisoners, whom Brule 
and his companions took to Carantoiian, by the inhabitants 
of which place they were received with great affection, a cor- 
dial welcome, and good cheer, with the dances and banquets 
with which they are accustomed to entertain and honor 
strangers. 

Some days were spent in this friendly reception ; and, after 
Brule had told them his mission and explained to them the 
occasion of his journey, the savages of the place assembled in 
council to dehberate and resolve in regard to sending the 
five hundred warriors asked for by Brule. 

When the council was ended and it was decided to send 
the men, orders were given to collect, prepare, and arm them, 
so as to go and join us where we were encamped before the 
fort and village of our enemies. This was only three short 
days' journey from Carantoiian, which was provided with 
more than eight hundred warriors, and strongly fortified, 
after the manner of those before described, which have high 
and strong pahsades well bound and joined together, the quar- 
ters being constructed in a similar fashion. 

After it had been resolved by the inhabitants of Caran- 
toiian to send the five hundred men, these were very long in 
getting ready, although urged by Brule to make haste, who 
explained to them that if they delayed any longer they would 
not find us there. And in fact they did not succeed in arriving 
until two days after our departure from that place, which we 
were forced to abandon, since we were too weak and worn 
by the inclemency of the weather. This caused Brule, and 
the five hundred men whom he brought, to withdraw and 
return to their village of Carantoiian. After their return 
Brule was obHged to stay, and spend the rest of the autunm 



356 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [I6I8 

and all the winter, for lack of company and escort home. 
While awaiting, he busied himself in exploring the country 
and visiting the tribes and territories adjacent to that place, 
and in making a tour along a river ^ that debouches in the 
direction of Florida, where are many powerful and warHke 
nations, carrying on wars against each other. The climate 
there is very temperate, and there are great numbers of ani- 
mals and abundance of small game. But to traverse and 
reach these regions requires patience, on account of the diffi- 
culties involved in passing the extensive wastes. 

He continued his course along the river as far as the sea, 
and to islands and lands near them, which are inhabited by 
various tribes and large numbers of savages, who are well- 
disposed and love the French above all other nations. But 
those who know the Dutch complain severely of them, since 
they treated them very roughly. Among other things he 
observed that the winter was very temperate, that it snowed 
very rarely, and that when it did the snow was not a foot deep 
and melted immediately. 

After traversing the country and observing what was note- 
worthy, he returned to the village of Carantoiian, in order to 
find an escort for returning to our settlement. After some 
stay at Carantoiian, five or six of the savages decided to make 
the journey with Brule. On the way they encountered a 
large number of their enemies, who charged upon Brule and 
his companions so violently that they caused them to break 
up and separate from each other, so that they were unable 
to rally: and Brule, who had kept apart in the hope of es- 
caping, became so detached from the others that he could 
not return, nor find a road or sign in order to effect his re- 
treat in any direction whatever. Thus he continued to wan- 
der through forest and wood for several days without eating, 
and almost despairing of his hfe from the pressure of hunger. 
At last he came upon a Httle footpath, which he determined 
to follow wherever it might lead, whether toward the enemy 
or not, preferring to expose himself to their hands trusting 

* The Susquehanna. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 357 

in God rather than to die alone and in this wretched manner. 
Besides he knew how to speak their language, which he thought 
might afford him some assistance. 

But he had not gone a long distance when he discovered 
three savages loaded with fish repairing to their village. He 
ran after them, and, as he approached, shouted at them, as 
is their custom. At this they turned about, and filled with 
fear were about to leave their burden and flee. But Brul6 
speaking to them reassured them, when they laid down their 
bows and arrows in sign of peace, Brule on his part laying 
down his arms. Moreover he was weak and feeble, not hav- 
ing eaten for three or four days. On coming up to them, 
after he had told them of his misfortune and the miserable 
condition to which he had been reduced, they smoked to- 
gether, as they are accustomed to do with one another and 
their acquaintances when they visit each other. They had 
pity and compassion for him, offering him every assistance, 
and conducting him to their village, where they entertained 
him and gave him something to eat. 

But as soon as the people of the place were informed that 
an Adoresetoily had arrived, for thus they call the French, 
the name signifying men of iron, they came in a rush and in 
great numbers to see Brule. They took him to the cabin of 
one of the principal chiefs, where he was interrogated, and 
asked who he was, whence he came, what circumstance had 
driven and led him to this place, how he had lost his way, and 
whether he did not belong to the French nation that made 
war upon them. To this he replied that he belonged to a 
better nation, that was desirous solely of their acquaintance 
and friendship. Yet they would not believe this, but threw 
themselves upon him, tore out his nails with their teeth, 
burnt him with glowing firebrands, and tore out his beard, 
hair by hair, though contrary to the will of the chief. 

During this fit of passion, one of the savages observed an 
Agnus Dei, which he had attached to his neck, and asked 
what it was that he had thus attached to his neck, and was 
on the point of seizing it and pulhng it off. But Briile said 



358 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

to him, with resolute words, If you take it and put me to death, 
you will find that immediately after you will suddenly die, and 
all those of your house. He paid no attention however to 
this, but continuing in his malicious purpose tried to seize 
the Agnus Dei and tear it from him, all of them together 
being desirous of putting him to death, but previously of 
making him suffer great pain and torture, such as they gen- 
erally practise upon their enemies. 

But God, showing him mercy, was pleased not to allow 
it, but in his providence caused the heavens to change sud- 
denly from the serene and fair state they were in to dark- 
ness, and to become filled with great and thick clouds, upon 
which followed thunders and Hghtnings so violent and long 
continued that it was something strange and awful. This 
storm caused the savages such terror, it being not only unusual 
but unhke anything they had ever heard, that their atten- 
tion was diverted and they forgot the evil purpose they had 
towards Brule, their prisoner. They accordingly left him 
without even unbinding him, as they did not dare to approach 
him. This gave the sufferer an opportunity to use gentle 
words, and he appealed to them and remonstrated with them 
on the harm they were doing him without cause, and set forth 
to them how our God was enraged at them for having so abused 
him. 

The captain then approached Brule, unbound him, and 
took him to his house, where he took care of him and treated 
his wounds. After this there were no dances, banquets, or 
merry-makings to which Brule was not invited. So after 
remaining some time with these savages, he determined to 
proceed towards our settlement. 

Taking leave of them, he promised to restore them to har- 
mony with the French and their enemies, and cause them to 
swear friendship with each other, to which end he said he 
would return to them as soon as he could. Thence he went 
to the country and village of the Atinouaentans ^ where I 

* The principal Huron tribe. Champlain employs different spellings. 
See p. 281, etc. 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 369 

had already been; the savages at his departure having con- 
ducted him for a distance of four days' journey from their 
village. Here Brule remained some time, when, resuming 
his journey towards us, he came by way of the Mer Douce, 
boating along its northern shores for some ten days, where 
I had also gone when on my way to the war. 

And if Brule had gone further on to explore these re- 
gions, as I had directed him to do, it would not have been a 
mere rumor that we were preparing war with one another. 
But this undertaking was reserved to another time, which he 
promised me to continue and accompHsh in a short period 
with God's grace, and to conduct me there that I might obtain 
fuller and more particular knowledge. 

After he had made this recital, I gave him assurance that 
his services would be recognized, and encouraged him to con- 
tinue his good purpose until our return, when we should have 
more abundant means to do that with which he would be satis- 
fied. This is now the entire narrative and recital of his journey 
from the time he left me to engage in the above-mentioned 
explorations; and it afforded me pleasure in the prospect 
thereby presented me of being better able to continue and 
promote them. 

With this purpose he took leave of me to return to the 
savages, an intimate acquaintance with whom had been ac- 
quired by him in his journeys and explorations. I begged 
him to continue with them until the next year, when I would 
return with a good number of men, both to reward him for 
his labors, and to assist as in the past the savages, his friends, 
in their wars.^ 

Resuming the thread of my former discourse, I must note 
that in my last and preceding voyages and explorations I 
had passed through numerous and diverse tribes of savages 
not known to the French nor to those of our settlement, with 
whom I had made alhances and sworn friendship, on condi- 

^ In 1629 Brtil6 turned traitor, and piloted the English up the river. 
In the edition of 1632 Champlain speaks very severely of him, and omits 
this account of his wanderings. 



360 VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN [1618 

tion that they should come and trade with us, and that I 
should assist them in their wars; for it must be understood 
that there is not a single tribe Hving in peace, excepting the 
Neutral Nation. According to their promise, there came 
from the various tribes of savages recently discovered some 
to trade in peltry, others to see the French and ascertain 
what kind of treatment and welcome would be shown them. 
This encouraged everybody, the French on the one hand to 
show them cordiahtyand welcome, for they honored them with 
some attentions and presents, which the agents of the merchants 
gave to gratify them; on the other hand, it encouraged the 
savages, who promised all the French to come and Hve in 
future in friendship with them, all of them declaring that they 
would deport themselves with such affection towards us that 
we should have occasion to commend them, while we in hke 
manner were to assist them to the extent of our power in their 
wars. 

The trading having been concluded, and the savages hav- 
ing taken their leave and departed, we left Trois Rivieres on 
the 14th of July of this year. The next day we arrived at 
our quarters at Quebec, where the barques were unloaded 
of the merchandise which had remained over from the traffic 
and which was put in the warehouse of the merchants at 
that place. 

Now Sieur de Pont Grave went to Tadoussac with the 
barques in order to load them and carry to the habitation the 
provisions necessary to support those who were to remain 
and winter there, and I determined while the barques were 
thus engaged to continue there for some days in order to have 
the necessary fortifications and repairs made. 

At my departure from the settlement I took leave of the 
holy fathers, Sieur de la Mothe, and all the others who were 
to stay there, giving them to expect that I would return, God 
assisting, with a good number of families to people the coun- 
try. I embarked on the 26th of July, together with the 
Fathers Paul and Pacifique, the latter having wintered here 
once and the other having been here a year and a half, who 



1618] THE VOYAGE OF 1618 361 

were to make a report of what they had seen in the coun- 
try and of what could be done there. We set out on the day 
above-mentioned from the settlement for Tadoussac, where 
we were to embark for France. We arrived the next day 
and found our vessels ready to set sail. We embarked, and 
left Tadoussac for France on the 13th of the month of July, 
1618, and arrived at Honfleur on the 28th day of August, 
the wind having been favorable, and all being in good spirits. 



INDEX 



Abriou, succeeds his father, 114. 

Acadia, search along the coast, 28; 
location, 49; mentioned, 66, 313; 
ways of spelling, 66 n. 

Achelacy, St. Croix called, 140. 

Adirondack Mountains, seen by Cham- 
plain, 162 n. 

Advocate's Harbor, tides of, 36 n. 

d'Albeau, see d'Olbeau. 

Alexandria, position of, among the 
nations, 21-22. 

Alfonse, Jean, describes Norumbega, 
44 n. 

Algonquins, dress, 95; physical char- 
acteristics, 95; weapons, 95; dwell- 
ings, 96; government, 96; religion, 
96; Parkman's opinion of, 96 n.; 
character, 146; manner of life, 146; 
headquarters of, 146 n.; wars with 
the Iroquois, 149-166, 178-187, 
287-296; character of, 164; Cham- 
plain's alliance with, 165 n.; return 
to their country, 167; presents 
gifts to Champlain, 167; Cham- 
plain goes to meet, 201; refusal to 
explore the Trois Rivieres, 202; 
report concerning, 209; unite 
against the Iroquois, 210; promises, 
211, 220; arrival, 217; ceremony, 
over the body of Outetoucos, 218; 
divisions of, 219; Champlain traf- 
fics with, 233; trouble with the 
Attigountans, 305-310. 

Allen River, mill at, 107. 

All-Isles Bay, Pont Grav6 found at, 28. 

Allumette Island, Champlain reaches, 
279; location, 279 n. 

Allumette Lake, Champlain visits, 
245, 245 n. 

Almouchiquois, 48 n. ; de Monts visits, 
56-68; country of, 56 n.; described, 
61-63. 



Alvert, sighted, 220. 

American history, Champlain 's con- 
nection with, 9. 

Anadabijou, son of, 217. 

Anassou, Champlain 's alliance with, 
77. 

Andastes, engage in war against the 
Iroquois, 285, 285 n. 

Androscoggin, river, 59 n. 

Aneda, Indian captain, discovers the 
plant aneda, 60. 

Aneda, plant used as a remedy for 
the scurvy, 53 n., 60. 

L'Ange, accompanies Champlain, 232, 
233, 258; gives information to 
Champlain, 256; 

Angouleme, Lake, identified with 
St. Peters, 153 n. 

Ann, Cape, sighted, 64 n.; named, 
65, 65 n.; Indians of, 72-73; Cham- 
plain reaches, 76; Champlain pro- 
ceeds to, 90, 90 n. 

Annapolis, formerly a French fort, 
35 n.; Poutrincourt's men at, 87, 
87 n. 

Annapolis Basin, 34 n.; Champlain 
at, 36. 

Annapolis River, described, 35 ; former 
names, 35 n. 

Antons, Sieur des, at St. Croix, 77. 

Archangel, ship, 77 n. 

Argall, Samuel, destroys St. Sauveur, 
45 n., 339 n. 

Argall's Bay, former name for Bay of 
Fundy, 30 n. 

Argyll River, bay near, 86 n. 

Armouchiquois, see Almouchiquois. 

D'Arontal, Champlain entertained by, 
297; accompanies Champlain, 332; 
departure 333. 

Artichoke, Jerusalem, found by Cham- 
plain, 90 n. 



363 



364 



INDEX 



Asher, Henry Hudson the Navigator, 
224: n. 

Ashuapmuchuan River, 128 n. 

Asistagueroiion, tribe of, 303, 304. 

Association, The, Champlain's com- 
pany called, 339, 339 n.; mentioned, 
341. 

Asticou, Champlain at, 240. 

Atoiiacha, Champlain arrives at, 283. 

Attigouantan, Lake of the, see Huron, 
Lake. 

Attigouantans, or Attigouautans, 
Atignouaatitans, Attigountans, Ati- 
nouaentans, Champlain visits, 283; 
trouble with the Algonquins, 305; 
reconciliation, 306-310; country of, 
313; Champlain returns to the 
country of, 358. 

Aubry, Monsieur, 33. 

Auk, 29, 29 n. 

d'Aulnay, 35 n. 

Back River, Champlain ascends the, 

58 n. 
Barnstable Harbor, 93 n. 
Basques, engage in fur-trade, 28. 

Pont Grave has trouble with, 125; 

wound Pont Grav6, 125-126; offer 

assistance to the Indians, 178; 

knowledge of whale fishing, 190. 
Batiscan, visits Champlain, 177; awaits 

Champlain, 202. 
Batturies, Cape, see Cape Shoal. 
Baye Blanche, Champlain enters, 92. 
Baye Courante, Champlain near, 86. 
Baye de Toutes Isles, Champlain goes 

to, 115. 
Baye Saine, see Halifax Harbor. 
Bear, method of catching, 288-289. 
Bear Island, location, 35 n. 
Bear River, 36 n. 
Beauchaine, agent of the Association, 

348. 
Beaulieu, Sieur de, assists Champlain, 

229. 
Beauport, see Gloucester Harbor. 
Beaver Harbor, mine at, 44. 
Beazley, C. R., John and Sebastian 

Cabot, 22 n. 
Bedabedec, 46, 46 n. 
Bedabedec Point, 46 n., 57. 
Belle-Isle, Champlain at, 219, 219 n. 
Berjon, Jean, granted license to print 

Champlain's Voyages, 18. 



Bessabez, domain of, 46, 46 n. ; meets 
Champlain, 49; returns to camp, 
50. 

Biard, Father, Jesuit Relations, 54. 

Biencourt, Charles de, Champlain 
meets, 200; aids his father, 200 n. 

Biencourville, island, 35, 35 n. 

Biggar, H. P., Voyages of the Cabots 
and the Cortereals, 22 n.; article 
on Lescarbot, 107 n.; Early Trad- 
ing Companies of New France, 111 
n., 339 n. 

Black River, 129 n. 

Blanc, Cape, see Cod, Cape. 

Bohemians, tricks of, 96. 

Bonnerme, surgeon for Champlain, 
134-135; death, 147 n. 

Boston Bay, islands in, 67. 

Boston Harbor, 10; Champlain an- 
chors in, 65 n. 

Boulay, River, see Sandy Cove. 

Boull6, Eustache, son-in-law of Cham- 
plain, 339. 

BouI16, H^lfene, marries Champlain, 
6; island named for, 204 n. 

Boull6, Nicolas, 339 n. 

Bourbon, Charles de, see Soissons. 

Bourbon, Henri de, see Cond6. 

Bourne, Edward G., editor of Cham- 
plain, 12. 

Bouyer, or Boyer, Sieur, 88 n. ; plans 
of, 214; overtures to the Indians, 
215; sends his servant with the 
savages, 216 ; at Tadoussac, 232. 

Bradford, History of Plimoth Planta- 
tion, 103 n. 

Brant Point, named, 67; Champlain 
at, 68. 

Brebeuf , Jesuit Father, translation by, 
8. 

Breton, Cape, named, 26 n.; descrip- 
tion of, 26; Champlain starts for, 
84, 85, 88; Champlain approaches, 
198, 199; vessels lost near, 231; 
mentioned, 313. 

Brouage, 3, 188; salt works at, 270, 
270 n. 

Brown, General John M., quoted, 10; 
paper by, 12. 

Brftlart, Nicolas, advises Champlain 
to seek the North Sea, 235, 235 n. 

Brtjl6, i^tienne, goes to live with the 
Algonquins, 185-187; experiences, 
354-359; turns traitor, 359 n. 



INDEX 



365 



Butterfield, C. W., History of Brule's 
Discoveries and Explorations, 185 n. 

Button, Sir Thomas, 224 n.; voyage, 
235 n. 

Cabahis, meets Champlain, 49; gives 
information to Champlain, 50. 

Cabot, John, commission, 22. 

Cabot, Lewis, commission, 22 n. 

Cabot, Sancius, commission, 22 n. 

Cabot, Sebastian, commission, 22; 
work in early voyages, 22 n. 

Cabot Strait, ice drifts at, 198 n. 

Cahiagu6, Indian rendezvous, de- 
scribed, 284-285. 

Camden, region near, 46 n. 

Campobello Island, de Monts anchors 
at, 77 n. 

Canada, original boundaries of, 140 n. 

Canadians, enemies, 49-50; canoes, 
66; dwellings, 96; government, 96; 
religion, 96; headquarters of , 146 n. 

Caniza, siege of, 64 n. 

Canso or Canseau, Cape, 10; Cham- 
plain at, 26, 199; Pont Grav6 at, 
43; Champlain starts for, 85; 
Poutrincourt at, 87; Des Antons 
leaves, 88; Champlain arrives at, 
116. 

Cap aux Oies, see Goose Cape. 

Cap de la Heve, Champlain leaves, 114. 

Cape Breton Island, described, 117; 
Champlain near, 198; Champlain 
starts for, 199. 

Cape Cod Bay, Champlain enters, 69 n. 

Cape Negro, Port of, Champlain at, 28. 

Cape Porpoise Harbor, Champlain 
at, 63, 63 n.; location, 64. 

Cape de Poutrincourt, see Cape Split. 

Carantouan, Champlain's interpreter 
at, 332 ; Brule goes to, 354, 355, 356. 

Carhagouha, Champlain visits, 283. 

Carmaron, Champlain visits, 283. 

Caron, Father Joseph le, missionary 
to the Indians, 273; at Quebec, 
274; refusal to remain at Quebec, 
275-276 ; celebrates mass, 277, 283- 
284; determination to return to 
France, 334; Champlain finds, 350. 

Cartagena, Champlain visits, 3. 

Cartier, Jacques, visit to Hochelaga, 
5; commission, 22; work of, 22 n.; 
finds a remedy for the scurvy, 53 n., 
60; finds tobacco at Quebec, 62 n.; 



Champlain unjust toward, 112 n., 
137-138 ; names Hare Island, 129 n. ; 
Island of Bacchus discovered by, 
130, 130 n.; names St. Croix River, 
137 n.; explorations of, 137-140; 
mentioned, 4, 5, 44 n.-45 n., 137 n.; 
route taken by, 138-140; defines 
boundaries of Canada, 140 n.; at 
St. Croix, 150; discusses Indian 
methods of melting copper, 179; 
Champlain discusses explorations 
of, 221-223; brings priests to 
Canada, 277 n. 

Casco Bay, Champlain passes, 60 n. 

Castelfranc, Sieur de, MecomStrie de 
VEymant, c'est a dire la Manikre 
de mesurer les Longitudes par le 
moyen de VEymant, 223. 

Castine, 47 n. 

Cataraqui, Champlain enters, 297 n. 

Chambly Basin, 155 n., 205 n. 

Chamouchouan, river, portages to, 
279 n. 

Champdor6, pilot for de Monts, 76; 
repairs Pont Grave's ship, 82; care- 
lessness of, 83-84; imprisonment, 
84; saves Pont Grave's ship, 86; 
remains at Port Royal, 88; ob- 
stinacy of, 89 ; reconciliation effected 
by, 114 n. 

Champlain, Samuel de. Brief Discours, 
3-4; Sauvages or Voyage of 1604, 
5-6; publishes his second volume, 
6; Voyages of 1632, 7-8; editions 
and translations of his works, 11-12 ; 
explains the map of the " Habitation 
de risle Ste. Croix," 42 n.; letter to 
Louis XIII., 16; letter to Marie 
de M^dicis, 17; map, 223 n.; letter 
to Henri of Bourbon, 227-228; 
letter to the king, 263. 

Champlain, Samuel de, early life, 
3; favored by Henry IV., 4; goes 
with the de Chastes expedition, 5; 
marries H61ene Boull6, 6; life at 
Quebec, 7-8; death, 8; account of 
his work as a pioneer, 9-10 ; voyage, 
1604-1607, 21-118; sails with de 
Monts, 26 ; reaches Port au Mouton, 
27; reconnoitres the coast, 28-32; 
at Cape Sable, 28; at Port Fourchu, 
29 ; at Long Island, 30 ; at the Bay 
of Saint Mary, 32 ; explores the Bay 
of Fundy, 34-37; goes in search of 



366 



INDEX 



copper mines, 36-41, 44; at the 
Cape of Two Bays, 36; on the St. 
John River, 38; along the coast of 
Norumbega, 44-52; on the Penob- 
scot, 46-50; meeting with the sav- 
ages, 49-50; at the settlement, 52- 
56; expedition to the coast of the 
Almouchiquois, 56-76; route, 57 n.; 
at Richmond Island, 61; at Cape 
Ann, 65; at Cape Cod, 69; trouble 
with the savages, 72-73; return 
to the settlement, 76-77; at Port 
Royal, 78-81; visits copper mine, 
80-81 ; expedition to Florida, 81-85 ; 
disasters encountered on the way, 
82-84; starts for Cape Breton, 84; 
departs for France, 85-86; is over- 
taken by a severe storm, 85-86; 
meets Ralleau, 86; returns to Port 
Royal, 87; remains with De Pou- 
trincourt, 88 ; makes a voyage of 
discovery, 88-100 ; at Mallebarre, 
93 ; at Shoal Cape, 94 ; return 
voyage, 100-106 ; trouble with the 
Indians, 99-103 ; at Isles Rangges 
105 ; winter at Port Royal, 106-114 ; 
at Port aux Mines, 113 ; returns to 
France, 114-118; at Canso, 116; 
at Sable Island, 117; lands at 
Roscoff, 118; voyage, 1608-1610, 
121-171 ; expedition to the St. 
Lawrence River, 121-169 ; on the 
River Saguenay, 127-131 ; estab- 
lishes a settlement at Quebec, 131- 
132, 135-137, 140; conspiracy 
against, 132-136; winter at Quebec, 
144-149; expedition against the Iro- 
quois, 149-166; at Trois Rivieres, 
153; explores Lake Champlain, 
161-162; battle with the Iroquois, 
163-166; return from the expedi- 
tion, 166-169; departs for France, 
169; at Honfleur, 171; voyage, 
1610, 175-192; embarks at Hon- 
fleur, 175; sickness, 175; reaches 
Quebec, 177 ; joins in the war against 
the Iroquois, 178-187; defeats the 
Iroquois, 180-184; returns to Que- 
bec, 187; departs for France, 190; 
reaches Honfleur, 192; voyage, 1611, 
195-224; departure from France, 
195; among the icebergs, 196-200; 
at Grand Bank, 196; meeting with 
Biencourt. 200; arrival at Tadous- I 



sac, 201; at Quebec, 202; estab- 
lishes a settlement at Place Royale, 
203-204; explores the River St. 
Lambert, 205; at the Lachine 
Rapids, 207; conference with the 
savages, 207-215; shoots the La- 
chine Rapids, 215-216; assurances 
of friendship for the natives, 217- 
219; return to France, 219; at 
La Rochelle, 220; discussion con- 
cerning Cartier's explorations, 221- 
223; voyage, 1613, 228-259; seeks 
aid, for proposed undertakings, 229 ; 
commission of the King, 230; de- 
parture from France, 231; at 
Tadoussac, 232; at the Lachine 
Rapids, 233; search for the North 
Sea, 234-254; on Lake St. Louis, 
236-237 ; meeting with the Quenon- 
gebins, 238-239 ; at Chaudifere Falls, 
240; sets up a cross at St. Croix 
Island, 242; at the abode of Tes- 
soiiat, 244-254; attends an Indian 
banquet, 247; desires an alliance 
with Tessotiat, 248-249; return to 
the Lachine Rapids, 254-256; at 
Chaudiere Falls, 255-256; return 
to France, 259; voyage, 1615, 269- 
334; purpose, 259-270; priests 
sought for the expedition, 270-273; 
departure, 274; arrival at the Falls, 
276; return to the settlement, 277; 
sets out to join the savages, 278; 
among the Nipissings, 280; meet- 
ing with the Cheveux Relev6s, 281; 
visits Indian villages, 283-284; joins 
the war party, 285; expedition 
against the Iroquois, 287-296 ; plan 
of attack, 291-292; attack, 293; 
retreat, 294, 296 ; lost in the woods, 
299-300; return from expedition, 
301-302; visits many Indian tribes, 
302 ; reconciliation of two Indian 
tribes, 305-310; religious zeal, 322- 
324; at the Falls of the St. Louis, 
332; arrival at the settlement, 333; 
return to France, 334; voyage, 
1618, 339-361; embarkation, 339; 
at Tadoussac, 340; departure from 
Tadoussac, 350; at Quebec, 351; 
opinion concerning the murder of 
two Frenchmen, 352-354; at Que- 
bec, 360 ; departure for France, 
361. 



IKDEX 



367 



Champlain, Lake, Champlain explores, 
161, 161 n.; named, 166. 

Chapoiiin, Father, assistance given 
missionary undertaking, 271-272. 

Charioquois, hold conference with 
Champlain, 208-215; apprehensions 
of, 209-214; ask Champlain for 
one of his men, 214-215. 

Charles River, location, 67 n. 

Charlevoix, Histoire Generate de la 
Nouvelle France, 138 n. 

Charnis6, d'Aulnay de, fort established 
by, 35 n. 

Chastes, Aymar de, work of, 5. 

Chateauguay, river, course of, 236 n. 

Chatham, Massachusetts, 95 n., 101 n. 

Chaudifere Falls, described, 240, 240 
n.; ceremony at, 255-256. 

Chaudi^re Lake, Champlain enters, 
241. 

Chaudi^re River, incorrect statement 
concerning, 51, 51 n.; location, 59. 

Chauvin, Captain, commissions, 24; 
voyages, 24 n. 

Chavin, Pierre, left in command of 
Quebec, 169; at Quebec, 177, 188; 
inability to accompany Pont Grav6, 
184; mentioned, 189; returns to 
France, 190. 

Chebucto Bay, 115 n. 

Chesnes, Sieur de, at Quebec, 340; 
at Trois Rivieres, 350. 

Chevalier, brings news from de Monts, 
111; mentioned, 111 n.; goes on 
fur-trading expedition, 112. 

Cheveux Relev6s, described, 281-282, 
303-304. 

Chicoutimi, 127. 

Chignecto, Cape, 36, 36 n. 

China, passage to, 25. 

Chkoudun, see Secondon. 

Chomedy, Paul de, presents his pass- 
port, 256-257; founds Montreal, 
257 n.; offers Champlain a passage 
in his boat, 258. 

Choiiacoet, see Saco River. 

Chouontouaroiion, see Entouhonorons. 

Christians, savages first see, 49; sav- 
ages admire, 185; traces of, 113. 

Cod, Cape, named, 69, 69 n.; Cham- 
plain reaches, 76; Champlain near, 
92, 93. 

Cohoiiepech, Indian chief, visits Cham- 
plain, 91. 



Collet, Claude, 263; license of the 
king to, 266. 

Columbus, corn found by, 95 n. 

Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, 
Richelieu forms, 7. 

Conde, Prince of, Champlain's letter 
to, 227 ; character of, 227 n. ; honors 
Champlain, 230; opposes Marie 
de M^dicis, 269 n.; encourages 
Champlain, 269; gives assistance 
to missionary undertaking, 272; 
imprisoned, 334 n. 

Conestogas, see Susquehannocks. 

Conquet, Champlain anchors at, 169. 

Copper, Prevert discovers, 36; Cham- 
plain searches for, 36-41, 80-81; 
Champlain discovers, 44. 

Cormorant Island, described, 28-29; 
identified with Hope Island, 29 n.; 
Ralleau at, 86. 

Corn, cultivation of, 62; found along 
the coast, 66; Indian method of 
storing, 95; seen by Columbus, 95 
n.; methods of making meal from, 
74, 314; Indian ways of eating, 
315-316. 

Corneille, Cape, Champlain sails to, 77. 

Cortereal, Caspar, voyages, 22 n. 

Cortereal, Miguel, voyages, 22 n. 

Cosse-Brissac, Charles de, advises 
Champlain to seek the North Sea, 
235; politics, 235 n. 

Cotton yarn, Indians have, 46. 

Couchiching, Lake, 287, 287 n. 

Country Harbor, Champlain goes to, 
115 n. 

Crab, horse-shoe, 74, 74 n. 

Cramolet, pilot for de Monts, 76. 

Crown Point, battle at, 163 n. 

Cumberland Basin, location, 38 n. 

Darache, indulges in illicit fur-trade, 

125-126. 
Dauphin, Cape, see Salmon Cape. 
Davis, John, voyages, 23, 23 n. 
Dawson, S. E., The St. Lawrence, 131 n., 

204 n., 281 n. 
De Boyer, surgeon for Champlain, 184. 
De Cescaud, Collet's license, signed by, 

266. 
Deer, method of catching, 288-289, 

298-299. 
Delomenie, prohibitory notice signed 

by, 124. 



368 



INDEX 



Denys, Nicolas, Description de VAme- 
rique Septentrionale, 115 n. 

Des Antons, information given by, 88. 

Des Champs, surgeon for Champlain, 8 1 . 

Des Marais, see Godet. 

Des Prairies, goes to the aid of Cham- 
plain, 182-183. 

Devil's Point, see Pointe aux Vaches. 

Digby Strait, 83. 

Dochet Island, see St. Croix Island. 

Du Glas, at St. Croix, 43. 

Du Pare, Sieur, brother of Godet, 149; 
spends winter at settlement, 176; 
in charge at Quebec, 189, 202, 341. 

Du Plessis, Father Pacifique, mission- 
ary to the Indians, 273, 273 n.; 
at Quebec, 274, 350; celebrates 
mass, 277. 

Dutch, have no knowledge of Nova 
Zembla, 23; ill-conduct of. 111 n.; 
give fire-arms to the Indians, 166; 
treatment of Indians, 286, 356. 

Du Val, conspires against Champlain, 
99 n., 133, 135-136. 

Du Verger, Father, priests secured by, 
271-272. 

Eagle Cape, see Goose Cape. 

Easter, year commences at, 81 n. 

East India Company, Waymouth on 
a voyage by, 23 n. 

Eastport, 77 n. 

Eastport Harbor, 105 n. 

Egyptians, tricks of, 96. 

EUingwood Rock, location, 57 n. 

Emanuel, king of Portugal, commis- 
sions Caspar Cortereal, 22. 

Emerson Point, sighted, 65, 65 n. 

England, Waymouth sails from, 77 n. 

Entouhonorons, expedition against the 
Iroquois, 149-166, 178-187, 287- 
296; Brul6goes to, 354. 

Ijquille, river, 78. 

Estienne, Master, 110. 

Etechemin River, see St. Croix River. 

Etechemins, country of, 44-47; de- 
scribed, 46, 48, 50-51 ; domain of, 
48 n.; Champlain visits, 49-50; 
language, 61 ; canoes, 66. 

Fall, Falls, see Lachine Rapids. 
Fathom, length of, 34. 
Ferland, Abb6, Cours d'Histoire du 
Canada, 176 n. 



Ferro, island of, longitude reckoned 

from, 235 n. 
Fish, abundance of, 89, 97, 150, 154, 

161, 219; kinds, 35, 40, 219, 280, 282; 

method of catching, 287. 
Fisheries, at Grand Bank, 195. 
Florida, Champlain desires to explore, 

79 ; Pont Grav6 decides to go to, 81 ; 

extent of, 81 n.; expedition to, 81- 

85; mentioned, 356. 
Fontainebleau, de Monts at, 169. 
Fouques, Captain, sent to obtain sup- 
plies, 43. 
Fourchu, Cape, Champlain reaches, 

32, 114. 
Fox Islands, Champlain starts from, 

57 n. 
Francis I., commissions Cartier, 22. 
Franciscans, 270 n. 
Frangoise Bay, see Fundy, Bay of. 
French Revolution, 272 n. 
French River, Champlain enters, 281, 

281 n. 
Friederici, Skalpieren und ahnliche 

Gebrauche, 166 n. 
Frobisher, Sir Martin, voyages, 22-23. 
Froude, James, Short Studies on Great 

Subjects, 23 n. 
Fundy, Bay of, 30 n.; explorations 

along the coast, 34-37; Poutrin- 

court explores, 112. 
Fur-trade, monopoly of, given to de 

Chastes, 5; growth, 7; Basque 

merchants engage in, 28. 

Ganong, W. F., on St. Croix, 41; 
article in the Acadiensis, 80 n. 

Garpike, described, 161. 

Gas, du, see Monts. 

Gaspe, Cape, 56; sighted, 201; Cham- 
plain saUs from, 258. 

Gens de Feu, see Asistagueron. 

George, Lake, 162 n. 

Georges, captain, voyage, 23, 23 n.; 
gives a passage to Vignau, 236. 

Georgian Bay, 281 n., 282, 282 n. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, voyage, 23. 

Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, 124 n. 

Gloucester Harbor, former name of, 
92 n.; Champlain enters, 90, 92. 

Goat Island, described, 35. 

Godet, Claude, arrival at the settle- 
ment, 149; marries the daughter 
of Pont Grav6, 149 n.; accompanies 



INDEX 



369 



Champlain, 153; at the fall of the 
Iroquois, 155; sent back to the 
settlement, 156; determination to 
return to Canada, 175; arrives at 
Quebec, 187. 

Goose Cape, 129, 129 n. 

Goose Fair Bay, location, 64 n. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, information 
given to, 77 n. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, voyage, 10; 
names Cape Cod, 69 n. 

Grand Bank, Champlain arrives at, 
169, 176, 195, 196; fishery at, 190; 
sighted, 231. 

Grand Manan, island, location, 39; 
Champlain near, 57, 176; men- 
tioned, 81, 82 n. 

Grant, W. L., editor of Champlain, 12. 

Granville, 83 n. 

Green Island River, entrance, 115. 

Green Mountains, described, 162. 

Gua, see Monts. 

Guast, Charlevoix du, 68 n. 

Guast, Pierre de, see Monts, Sieur de. 

Guercheville, Marchioness de, attempts 
to found a colony, 45 n.; Nicolas 
de la Mothe assists, 339 n. 

Guernsey, sighted, 192. 

Guienne, 227. 

Guines, Father Modeste, at Tadoussac, 
350, 350 n. 

Gulliver's Hole, position of, 34 n. 

Haies, Master Edward, narrative of, 
23 n. 

Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 4; 
cited, 22 n. 

Hakluyt Society, publication by, 11. 

Halifax Harbor, Champlain in, 115, 
115 n. 

Hare Island, Champlain passes, 129. 

Havana, Champlain visits, 3. 

Havre de Gr^ce, Champlain sails from, 
26. 

Head Harbor, identified with Shell 
Harbor, 82 n. 

Hubert, Louis, at Quebec, 350, 350 n. 

Henry IV., of France, Champlain 
fights for, 3; pensions Champlain, 
4; commissions Champlain, 16; 
grants monopoly of fur-trade to 
de Monts, 24; sends de Monts on 
new expedition, 25; mentioned, 66, 
121; son of, 111 n.; renews de 



Monts's monopoly, 116 n.; death, 
121 n., 188 n.; commissions de 
Monts, 122-124. 

Henry VII. of England, commissions 
John Cabot, 22, 22 n. 

Herring River, 70 n. 

Hfeve, Cap de la, sighted, 27, 27 n.; 
Champlain at, 114. 

Heve, La, see Palmerston Bay. 

Hochelaga, no trace found of, 5; dis- 
appearance of, 44 n.-45 n.; loca- 
tion of, 140 n. ; Cartier finds, 
203 n. 

Hockomock Bay, 58 n. 

Hockomock Point, superstition con- 
cerning, 58. 

Honabetha, de Monts's men visit, 67. 

Honemechin, Champlain traffics with, 
61. 

Honfleur, de Chastes's expedition 
leaves, 5; Champlain arrives at, 
169, 171, 192, 334, 361; Champlain 
leaves, 172, 195. 

Hope Island, see Cormorant Island. 

Hougue, Champlain stops at, 175. 

Hoiiel, Sieur, priests sought by, 270- 
272. 

Hudson, Henry, Champlain borrows 
from the map of, 128 n., 223-224; 
last voyage of, 223-224 n. ; expedi- 
tion of, 235 n.; traffics with the 
Indians, 286 n. 

Hudson River, 162 n.; Henry Hudson 
sails up, 286. 

Hudson's Bay, Champlain's opinion of, 
128 n.; mentioned, 235 n. 

Huron, Lake, Champlain reaches, 281, 
281 n.; Champlain along the shore 
of, 282. 

Hurons, Indian tribe headquarters of, 
146 n.; Champlain takes part with, 
165 n.; mentioned, 207 n.; Cham- 
plain visits, 358 n. 

Indians, agricultural methods, 62, 92, 
95, 244, 327 ; barricades, 63, 157- 
158; mode of burial, 108-109, 143, 
329, 330; cabins, 48, 63, 71, 96, 297- 
298, 313-314; canoes, 66, 127; 
ceremonies, 168, 218, 246-247, 255- 
256, 285; cemeteries, 245-246; 
character, 73-74, 141, 143, 145-146, 
294, 318-319, 349; customs, 141, 
183-184, 217, 304, 491; dances, 



370 



INDEX 



324-325; dress, 51, 55, 61, 73, 95, 
142, 281, 285, 303, 317-318; food, 
55, 141, 314-317; government, 73, 
96, 285, 320, 321, 327-329; mar- 
riage, 142-143, 319-320; methods 
of warfare, 97-100, 158-160. 295- 
296; mode of life, 48, 55, 141-146, 
313-314, 330-331 ; manner of mourn- 
ing for the dead, 108; occupations, 
55, 319; physical characteristics, 
73, 142; religion, 142, 196, 285, 
321-322; superstitions, 161, 301; 
treatment of prisoners, 166-167, 
184-185, 290; treatment of their 
sick, 324-327; war-paint, 318; 
weapons, 61-62, 73, 95-96, 282; 
Champlain's plans concerning, 264- 
265; desire for a knowledge of God, 
323; manner of fishing, 68, 331-332 ; 
manner of bringing up their children, 
320-321; of Cape Ann, 65 ; of Peru, 
74. 

loucaniscou, murders committed by, 
105, 108. 

Iroquet, Indian captain, see Yro- 
quet. 

Iroquois, 68; character, 146; mode 
of life, 146; headquarters of, 146 n. 
expeditions against, 149-166, 178- 
187, 287-296; strength of, 164 n. 
harass French settlements, 165 n.- 
166 n.; inhabit Hochelaga, 203 n. 
report concerning, 209 ; use of term, 
by Champlain, 286 n. 

Iroquois River, see Richelieu River. 

Island Harbor, see Cape Porpoise 
Harbor. 

Isle au Haut, Champlain passes, 36; 
named, 47, 47 n.; Champlain an- 
chors at, 77. 

Isle aux Corneilles, named, 57; Cham- 
plain proceeds to, 129; Cartier 
arrives at, 138. 

Isle aux Noix, Champlain proceeds to, 
157 n. 

Isle de Bacchus, see Richmond Island. 

Isle de Grenez6, see Guernsey. 

Isle d'Huy, see Wight, Isle of. 

Isle Perc^e, Champlain leaves, 190; 
Champlain sails from, 258. 

Isle St. Helfene," named, 204; Cham- 
plain leaves, 236. 

Isles Rang^es, Champlain near, 105; 
named, 115. 



Jack, D. R., account of Brouage in 
Acadiensis, 3 n. 

Jacques, Master, goes in search of 
copper, 80. 

Jamay, Father Denis, missionary to 
the Indians, 272; accompanies 
Champlain, 274; celebrates mass, 
277; return to Quebec, 278; deter- 
mination to return to France, 334. 

Jamestown, settlement at, 113 n. 

Jay, John, treaty of, 40 n. 

Jeannin, President, approval of Cham- 
plain's plans, 229 ; profession, 229 n. 
advises Champlain to seek the North 
Sea, 235; mentioned, 235 n. 

Jeddore, 115 n. 

Jesuits, zeal of, 323 n. ; in Acadia, 339. 

Jonas, ship, 87; mentioned, 111 n., 
113 n. 

Kenduskeag, Champlain anchors at, 
48 n. 

Kennebec Lake, 76. 

Kennebec River, 49, 49 n.; Cham- 
plain explores, 50-51; chief of, 
58 n.; described, 59-60 ; Champlain 
reaches, 76. 

Kidney-beans, Indians cultivate, 62; 
found, 71. 

Kirke, David, expedition of, 7. 

Labrador, voyage of English to, 235; 
coasts of, described, 313. 

La Cadie, see Acadia. 

Lachine Rapids, Champlain at, 201, 
233,256,276; Pont Grav6 reaches, 
205; described, 207; Indian man- 
ner of passing, 215; Champlain 
declares that Cartier never reached, 
222; savages meet at, 253; ex- 
ploration near, 279 ; location, 279 n. 

La Ferrifere, seeks reconciliation with 
the French, 344-346. 

La Jeunesse, loots fur-trading estab- 
lishment, 111 n. 

Lake des Chats, Champlain enters, 
242, 242 n. 

Lark Point, 125 n. 

La Routte, pilot for Champlain, 153, 
155, 180. 

La Taille, 135. 

Latitudes, attempt to determine, 223 n. 

La Truitifere, named, 107. 

Laverdifere, Abb 6, publishes works 



INDEX 



371 



of Champlain, 11; cited, 176 n., 
203, 239 n., 273 n., 279 n., 305 n. 

League, length of, 26 n. 

Le Gendre, Sieur Lucas, purchases 
supplies, 170; at Honfleur, 171. 

Lescarbot, ideas of nation-building, 
10; poems, 18, 18 n.; Histoire de la 
Nouvelle France, 25, 32 n., 106 n.; 
Les Muses de la Nouvelle France, 
107 n.; Biggar's article on, 107 n. ; 
dedicates his book to Jeannin, 
229 n.; accuses Champlain, 34 n.; 
doubts the existence of the city of 
Norumbega, 44 n.; opinion of the 
Indians, 73 n.; describes voyage of 
Sieur de Poutrincourt, 87 n.; re- 
proaches the clergy, 323 n.; cited, 
41, 68 n., 88 n., 89, 99 n., 103 n., 
110 n., Ill n., 113 n., 114 n., 132 n., 
195. 

Lescarbot, welcomes Champlain, 106; 
accompanies Chevalier, 112, 112 n. ; 
goes to Honfleur, 118 n. 

License, granted Jean Berjon to 
print Champlain's voyages, 18. 

Little River, location, 205 n. 

Lobster Bay, 86 n. 

Long Island, Champlain along the 
coast of, 30, 31 ; strait of, Champlain 
anchors in, 85. 

Longitude, attempt to determine, 
223 n. 

Long Sault, 237, 237 n. 

Loquin, French agent, 350. 

Loughborough Lake, 297 n. 

Louis XIII. of France, Champlain 
writes to, 16; history of, 16 n.; 
grants license to Jean Berjon, 18. 

Louis, de Monts's servant, 205 ; death, 
206. 

Louisburg, location, 117, 117 n. 

Lower Granville, settlement at, 34 n. 

Mabretou, or Membertou, Indian chief, 
promises of, 85; requests the body 
of Panounias, 108; addresses the 
natives, 109 ; Poutrincourt supports, 
110; first sights the Jonas, 111 n.; 
returns from the war, 113. 

McCoy's Head, 38 n. 

Machias, Maine, 77 n. 

Madawaska River, 242, 242 n. 

Magnetic needle, Champlain's method 
of using, 27 n. 



Maine Historical Society, Collections 
of, 12; Tercentenary of de Monts's 
settlement at St. Croix Island, 40 n. 

Maissonneuve, see Chomedy. 

Mai de terre, see Scurvy. 

Mallebarre, named, 71; Champlain 
at, 76, 93. 

Man thane, see Grand Manan. 

Manthoumermer, Indian captain, 
Champlain visits, 58. 

Marais, see Godet. 

Marchin, Indian guide for Champlain, 
58, 59; Champlain meets, 76, 389; 
death, 113-114. 

Marets, see Godet. 

Martha's Vineyard, sighted, 100, 
100 n.; mentioned, 101 n. 

Martyres, islands, named, 114. 

Mass, celebration, 283-284; first cele- 
bration in New France, 277, 277 n. 

Massachusetts Bay, Champlain draws 
map of, 65 n. 

MassI, Father, translation by, 8. 

Matchedash bay, 282 n. 

Matigoches, see Mistigoches. 

Matou-ouescarini, Indian tribe, 242. 

Mayflower, ship, 69 n. 

M6dicis, Marie de, Champlain's letter 
to, 17; information concerning, 
17 n.; son of, 111 n.; war against, 
266 n. 

Membertou, see Mabretou. 

Menane, see Grand Manan. 

Mer Douce, see Huron, Lake. 

Merrimac River, 64 n.; Champlain 
passes, 65. 

Merry meeting Bay, 58 n., 59 n. 

Messamoiiet, accompanies Champlain, 
44; gives presents to Onemechin, 90. 

Mexico, Champlain visits, 3. 

Michilimackinac, strait of, 281 n. 

Mic-Macs, see Souriquois. 

Milk Island, 64 n. 

Mistassini, river, 128 n. 

Mistigoches, or Matigoches, name 
applied by the Indians to the Nor- 
mans, 178, 180. 

Moinerie, Sieur de, reaches Tadoussac, 
232. 

Monhegan, 77 n. 

Monomoy, island, 94 n. 

Montagnais, Indian tribe^ 68, 146; 
headquarters of, 146 n.; war with 
the Iroquois, 149-166, 178-187, 



372 



INDEX 



287-296; Champlain returns with, 
168; arrive at Quebec, 177; await 
Champlain, 178, 179; meeting with 
Champlain at sea, 231; kill two 
Frenchmen, 340-344; assume a 
threatening attitude, 344 n. ; seek 
a reconciliation, 344-346; trial of, 
347-349. 
Montmorency, Charles de, Champlain 
dedicates treatise to, 6; mentioned, 
131 n. 
Montmorency Falls, 131 n. 
Montreal, Cartier penetrates to, 222 n. 
Monts, Sieur de, becomes lieutenant- 
general of Acadia, 6; selects site 
for colony, 9; mentioned, 16; com- 
missions, 21, 24, 84, 122-124 
settlements made by, 24-25, 25 n. 
42-43; voyage to America, 25-27 
sends in search of Pont Grav6, 28 
43; at the Bay of St. Mary, 32 
original fortifications of, 40 n.-41 n. 
dispatches vessels to France, 44 
sends Champlain to the coast of 
Norumbega, 44; improves the settle- 
ment, 52; Pont Grav6 comes to 
the aid of, 56; river named for, 
67 n.-68 n.; at Port Royal, 78- 
79; departs for France, 79; dis- 
patches vessel to Port Royal, 
86-87; determines to explore the 
St. Lawrence River, 121; resolves 
to continue the settlement at Que- 
bec, 170-171; dissolves partner- 
ship with his associates, 220-221; 
governor of Brouage, 220 n.; ap- 
proval of Champlain's plans, 229. 

Moore, International Arbitrations, 41 n. 

Moose Brook, named, 36. 

Moose Island, 77 n. 

Morris Island, 95 n. 

Morton, Thomas, New English Canaan, 
96 n. 

Mothe, Nicholas de la, joins Cham- 
plain's expedition, 339; assists in 
founding the de Guercheville colony, 
339 n.; accompanies Champlain, 
350-351; Champlain takes leave of, 
360. 

Mount Desert, named, 45; location, 
46 ; peaks of, 47 ; Champlain visits, 
57; savages executed at, 105; 
colony founded at, 339 n. 

Murdoch, History of Nova Scotia, 25 n. 



Muskrat Lake, Champlain enters, 243, 
243 n. 

Natel, Antoine, makes known the 
conspiracy against Champlain, 133. 

Nauset Harbor, 71 n. 

Nausets, Indian tribe, attack Cham- 
plain, 103; attack the Pilgrims, 
103 n. 

Navy Island, 38 n. 

Nebicerini, see Nipissings. 

Nef, La, named, 77. 

Neutral Nation, power of, 303; char- 
acter, 304-305; peaceable attitude 
of, 360. 

New Brunswick, 80 n. 

New England, Norumbega identified 
with, 44 n. ; Champlain explores the 
coasts of, 56-76; plants brought to, 
62 n.; mentioned, 72 n. ; domain 
of the Almouchiquois, 313, 313 n. 

Newfoundland, Cartier visits, 221; 
explorations along the coast of, 
313. 

Nibachis, Indian chief, address of, 243 ; 
takes Champlain to seeTessoiiat,244. 

Nichols's Pond, Iroquois fort on, 290, 
290 n. 

Nicolet, river, 154 n. 

Niganis, Ralleau leaves, 113, 113 n. 

Nipissings, Indian tribe, 237, 237 n. ; 
notified of Champlain's arrival, 250. 

North Cape, Champlain touches, 124, 
124 n. 

North Sea, reports of, 128; doubts 
as to its existence, 129 ; Champlain's 
desire to find, 227; report concern- 
ing, 234-235; search for, 236-254. 

Northwest Passage, attempts to find, 
4. 

Norumbega, identified with New Eng- 
land, 44 n.; exploration along the 
coasts, 44-52; inhabitants, 46, 48. 
Norumbega River, see Penobscot. 
Nova Scotia, savages of, 48 n. 
Nova Zembla, not known to the 
Dutch, 23. 

Oak Bay, 41 n. 

Ochasteguin, or Ochatequin, Indian 
chief, Champlain visits, 151; re- 
turns Brul6, 207; leads in attack 
against the Iroquois, 287-296; 
wounded, 294. 



INDEX 



373 



Ochateguins, or Ochastaiguins, manner 
of life, 146; character, 146; join 
the expedition against the Iroquois, 
151-163; battle with the Iroquois, 
163-166, 178-187, 287-296; return 
to their country, 167-168; name, 
170 n.; promises of, 170, 211, 220; 
await Champlain, 178. 

d'Olbeau, or d'Albeau, Jean, mission- 
ary to the Indians, 272; at Quebec, 
274; celebrates mass, 277; sails 
from Tadoussac, 350. 

Old Orchard Beach, 60 n. 

Oneida River, Champlain crosses, 
290, 290 n. 

Onemechin, Indian chief, Champlain 
meets, 89; presents given to, 90; 
visits Champlain, 91; death, 113- 
114. 

Ontario, Lake, country surrounding 
described, 288; war party on, 289- 
290. 

Orani, Indian chief, wounded, 294. 

Ordre de Bon Temps, rules for govern- 
ing Champlain's settlement, 110. 

Orleans, Duke of, birth. 111. 

Orleans, Island of, Champlain pro- 
ceeds to, 130; Cartier anchors at, 
140; mentioned, 131, 139, 342. 

d'Orville, Sieur, sickness, 79. 

Ostemoy, Indian soothsayers, 159. 

Otaguottouemin, country of, 279. 

Otis, Charles Pomeroy, translator, 11. 

Otonabee River, Champlain on, 288 n. 

Ottawa River, source of, 237, 237 n.; 
Champlain ascends, 279, 279 n. 

Ouagimou, friendly promises of, 108. 

Ouescharini, Champlain meets, 239, 
254; domain of, 239 n. 

Outetoucos, Indian captain, death 
of, 206; Algonquins disinter the 
body of, 218. 

Ouygoudy River, see St. John. 

Owl's Head, see Bedabedec Point. 

Oyster Harbor, Champlain at, 93 n. 

Palmerston Bay, description of, 27, 

27 n. 
Panounias, killed by the Almouchi- 

quois, 107; burial, 108; his death 

revenged, 111, 114. 
Parkhurst, Anthony, information given 

to, 4. 
Parkman, Francis, Pioneers of France 



in the New World, 12, 22 n., 146 n.; 
The Old Regime in Canada, 35 n.; 
Jesuits in North America, 96 n., 
323 n. 

Passage Courant, location, 117. 

Passamaquoddy Bay, islands in, 39 n. 

Pememen, Indian chief, succeeds his 
father, 114. 

Penobscot River, Champlain on, 46-51; 
people of, 48, 51. 

Penguins, see Auk. 

Pentegoiiet, river, see Penobscot. 

Peribonka, river, location, 128 n. 

Perpisawick Inlet, Champlain in, 115 n. 

Peru, Indians of, 74. 

Petitcodiac, river, location, 38, 38 n. 

Petuns, see Tobacco nation. 

Pilgrims, at Plymouth, 69 n.; at- 
tacked by Indians, 103 n. 

Pillet, Charles, killed by the savages, 
342. 

Pilotois, savage soothsayers, 142, 159. 

Pisierinii, Indian tribe, Champlain 
visits, 305. 

Place Royale, see Pointe k Calliferes. 

Plymouth Harbor, Champlain in, 69; 
Mayflower in, 69 n. 

Point aux Allouettes, location, 125. 

Pointe k Calli feres, Champlain estab- 
lishes a settlement at, 203; de- 
scribed, 204; centre of Montreal 
called, 204 n. 

Pointe aux Vaches, dangers of, 125, 
125 n.; savages meet Champlain 
at, 231. 

Pointe d'Anvert, de Monts at, 220. 

Point of All Devils, see Pointe aux 
Vaches. 

Point Platon, Champlain arrives at, 
351. 

Point St. Matthew, see Point aux 
Allouettes. 

Pond Island, 57 n. 

Pons, see Pointe d'Arvert. 

Pont Grav6, Robert, son of Pont 
Grav6, 101. 

Pont Grav6, Sieur de, expeditions, 
5; Chauvin accompanies, 24 n.; 
sails with Sieur de Monts, 26; at 
Bay of All-Isles, 28; at Canso, 43; 
comes to the aid of de Monts, 56; 
at Port Royal, 78-79; expedition 
to Florida, 81-85; illness, 82; de- 
parture for France, 88, 136, 190; 



374 



INDEX 



goes to Tadoussac, 187, 217, 360; 
wounded by Basque fur-traders, 
125-126; joins the expedition against 
the Iroquois, 153; is sent to Tadous- 
sac, 170; at Honfleur, 171; carries 
merchandise to Champlain, 184; 
remains at Tadoussac, 202; at 
Lachine Rapids, 205; Indians give 
present to, 211; advises Cham- 
plain to return to France, 219; 
commands the Saint J&tienne, 273; 
arrival at Quebec, 274; determina- 
tion to fight the Iroquois, 276; 
return to Quebec, 278; awaits 
Champlain at Tadoussac, 334; com- 
mands a vessel of the Association, 
339; goes to Trois Rivi feres, 350; 
vessel sent by, 351. 

Porcupine Mountain, 38 n. 

Porlan, see Portland. 

Port au Mouton, Champlain lands at, 
27; Champlain sails from, 28. 

Port aux Anglois, see Louisburg. 

Port aux Coquilles, Champlain pro- 
ceeds to, 82. 

Port aux Huistres, see Oyster Harbor. 

Port aux Mines, Champlain sails from, 
37; Champlain at, 80; Poutrin- 
court at, 112-113. 

Port de Mallebarre, see Mallebarre. 

Port de Savalette, see White Haven. 

Port du Cap St. Louis, see Plymouth 
Harbor. 

Port Fortun6, Champlain sails from, 
100, 101. 

Port Fourchu, described, 29. 

Portland, Champlain at, 175. 

Port Royal, named, 34; described, 35; 
mentioned, 36, 81, 88; de Monts 
transfers settlement to, 78-79; 
Grav6 returns to, 82; Champlain 
sails from, 85; abandoned by 
Champlain, 114; Biencourt bound 
for, 200. 

Port Saincte Helaine, see Perpisawick 
Inlet. 

Port Saint Margaret, description of, 31. 

Portuguese, attempt to settle Cape 
Breton Island, 117. 

Poutrincourt, Sieur de, accompanies 
de Monts, 32; history of, 32 n.; 
on the St. John River, 39; sent 
back to France, 44; Champlain 
meets, 45; arrives at Canso, 87; 



lieutenant-general of Port Royal, 
86-114; visits the surrounding 
country, 97; explores the Bay of 
Fundy, 112; returns to France, 114; 
secures renewal of de Monts's 
monopoly, 118 n. 

Pre vert, captain for de Chastes, 5, 
36 n.; discovers copper mine, 36; 
mentioned, 80. 

Prince Society of Boston, publications 
of, 11; New English Canaan, 96 n. 

Pring, 10. 

Purchas, Pilgrimes, 11; reprint of, 12. 

Quaco River, 38 n. 

Quebec, cession to England, 9 ; settle- 
ment at, 131-132, 135-137, 140; 
winter at, 144-149; Champlain 
returns to, 135, 186; war party at, 
219; Champlain at, 202, 274; 
Champlain leaves, 203. 

Queconsicq, 114. 

Quenechouan, see Long Sault. 

Quenongebin, Algonquin nation, Cham- 
plain meets, 238-239. 

Quinibequy Lake, see Kennebec Lake. 

Quinibequy River, see Kennebec. 

Quinte, Bay of, Champlain on, 288. 

Quiouhamenec, visits Champlain, 91. 

Ralleau, Sieur, accompanies Cham- 
plain, 28; visits Secondon, 38-39; 
sent back to France, 44; arrives 
at Port Royal, 113. 

Rapide des Chats, Champlain at, 241, 
241 n. 

Ray, Cape, Champlain near, 201; 
sighted, 231. 

Razor-bill, described, 74-75. 

Recollects, priests, desire to accom- 
pany Champlain, 270-271; Pro- 
vincial of, 271-272; mission of, 
273 n.; zeal of , 323 n. 

Red Head Harbor, mine at, 44. 

Rice Lake, Champlain on, 288, 288 n. 

Richelieu, Cardinal de, plans perma- 
nent colonization of Canada, 7; 
Champlain's letters to, 11, 165 n.- 
166 n. 

Richelieu River, Champlain enters, 
154, 154 n. 

Richmond Island, named, 61, 61 n.; 
Champlain at, 89; identified with 
the Island of Orleans, 130. 



INDEX 



375 



Rideau River, described, 240, 240 n. 

Rivifere de Gennes, 154. 

Riviere de TEquUle, see Annapolis 
River. 

Riviere de I'Isle Verte, see St. Mary 
River. 

Riviere des Prairies, Champlain at, 
274; Champlain returns to, 277. 

Rivifere du Dauphin, see Annapolis 
River. 

Rivifere du GoufFre, named, 130. 

Riviere du Guast, see Charles River. 

Riviere du Loup, 154, 154 n. 

Rivifere du Pont, 154. 

Riviere St. Pierre, banks of, described, 
203 n. 

Riviere St. Antoine, named, 35-36. 

Roberval, Sieur de, assists in the colo- 
nization of Canada, 22 ; voyage, 22 n. 

Roche, Marquis de la, commissions, 
23; settlement made by, 23-24; 
imprisonment, 24 n.; at Sable 
Island, 26. 

Rochelle, La, siege of, 3; Champlain 
reaches, 220. 

Rockland, 46 n. 

Rocky Brook, see Moose Brook. 

Rome, power of, 21. 

Roscoff, Champlain lands at, 118. 

Roscou, see Roscoff. 

Rosier, True Relation, 77 n. 

Rossignol, vessel of, 27, 43. 

Rouen, parliamentary court of, sends 
vessels to aid La Roche, 27; Cham- 
plain at, 171 ; Recollect missionaries 
at, 273. 

Sable, Cape, description of, 28; Cham- 
plain proceeds to, 86. 
Sable Island, Gilbert's ship wrecked 

at, 23; description, 26-27. 
Saco River, Champlain on, 62, 62 n.; 

Champlain leaves, 63; Champlain 

reaches, 76. 
Sacque, see Saguenay. 
Sagard, Gabriel, Histoire du Canada, 

74 n., 273 n., 321 n., 341 n., 344 n.; 

Le Grand Voyage aux Pays des 

Hurons, 146 n. 
Saguenay, 124; location, 140 n.; 

source of, 153 n.; Cartier mentions, 

222, 
St. Charles, river, Cartier on, 137, 

137 n. 



St. Croix Island, named, 40, 40 n.; 
de Monts's settlement at, 42-43; 
Champlain leaves, 45; Champlain 
returns to, 52; winter at, 52-56; 
savages of, 55; de Monts returns to, 
76-77; Champlain arrives at, 77; 
settlement transferred from, 78-79; 
mentioned, 81; Cartier's settlement 
at, 137-140; Cartier leaves, 140; 
Cartier spends the winter near, 222 ; 
provisions left at, 242. 

St. Croix River, Champlain ascends, 
39, 39 n.; cataract in, 41; Cham- 
plain anchors at, 45 ; identified with 
the St. Charles River, 137 n.; de- 
scribed, 139-140. 

Sainte Anne River, Champlain reaches, 
150, 150 n. 

Sainte Croix, see Point Platon. 

St. l^loi, island, 150. 

St. Mienne, ship, 56, 273. 

St. Francis, river, 154 n. 

St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 7. 

St. H 61 toe, island, ceremony at, 
218. 

St. John, Bay of, 38 n. 

St. John Lake, Champlain enters, 
128, 128 n.; route to, 153, 153 n. 

St. John River, described, 38; islands 
of, 39. 

St. John's Newfoundland, Miguel Cor- 
tereal reaches, 22. 

St. Julian, ship, 3. 

Saint Just, Sieur de, see Biencourt. 

St. Lambert River, Champlain ex- 
plores, 205, 205 n. 

St. Lawrence, Bay of, Champlain at, 
37; boundaries, 37 n. 

St. Lawrence, Cape, see North Cape. 

St. Lawrence, Gulf of, voyages from 
France to, 4; Champlain explores 
the shores of, 5 ; distinguished from 
the bay, 37 n. 

St. Lawrence River, savages of, 68; 
expedition to, 121-169; passage 
of, 150; Champlain's claim concern- 
ing discoveries along, 222; men- 
tioned, 236 n. ; Champlain ascends, 
278; country near, described, 311- 
312. 

St. Louis, Cape, see Brant Point. 

St. Louis, Lake of, Champlain enters, 
236, 236 n. 

Saint Luc, Monsieur de, 188. 



376 



INDEX 



St. Malo, Champlain lands at, 118, 
259; claims of the people of, 221- 
222; vessels from, 232. 

St. Margaret Bay, 115 n. 

St. Marguerite River, 115. 

St. Mary, Bay of, de Monts's men at, 
34, 42. 

St. Mary's River, Champlain passes, 
115, 115 n.; named, 150. 

St. Maurice River, 153 n. 

Saintonge, de Monts at, 220. 

St. Paul, island of, sighted, 201. 

St. Peter, Lake of, 153, 283; de- 
scribed, 154. 

St. Pierre, islands of, sighted, 201. 

St. Sauveur, colony of Marchioness 
de Guercheville, 45 n. 

St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc, see Well- 
fleet Harbor. 

St. Suzanne River, named, 154. 

St. Th^rfese, Island of, 157 n. 

Salmon, Cape, Champlain reaches, 
129, 129 n. 

Salmon River, 129. 

Sambro, Champlain reaches, 114; 
Champlain leaves, 115. 

Sandy Cove, described, 30, 30 n. 

Sasanoa River, 58 n. 

Sasinou, guide for Champlain, 58, 59 ; 
Champlain expects to find, 76; dis- 
appoints Champlain, 77 ; death, 114. 

Saussaye, Sieur de la, founds colony 
at Mt. Desert, 339 n. 

Savignon, sent to meet the savages, 
205; saves himself from drowning, 
207; Champlain returns, 212-213. 

Scalping, 166, 166 n., 183. 

Sclavonia, 80. 

Scurvy, 53-54; remedy, 53 n., 60; 
Champlain's men afflicted with, 
81, 147-149. 

Seal Cove, 82 n. 

Seals, found, 27, 27 n., 29. 

Sea-wolf Islands, described, 29. 

Secondon, Champlain finds, 80; se- 
cures provisions, 83-84; accompa- 
nies Champlain, 89; mentioned, 105. 

Seguin Island, 57 n. 

Sesambre, see Sambro. 

Shaw, Norton, editor, 11. 

Shell Harbor, 82 n. 

Shoal Cape, Champlain touches, 94, 

94 n. 
Shoals, Isles of, sighted, 64. 



Shubenacadie, river, 113 n. 

Sigismundus, Prince of Transylvania, 
64 n. 

Simcoe, county of, 283 n., 284 n. 

Simcoe, Lake, 287, 287 n. 

Simon, Master, accompanies Cham- 
plain, 30. 

Slafter, Edmund F., cited, 10, 23 n., 
96 n., 279 n.; edits Champlain's 
journals, 11; mentioned, 12. 

Smith, Captain John, True Travels, 
Adventures and Observations, 64 n.; 
visit to Plymouth, 69 n. 

Snow Lake, 131 n. 

Soissons, Count de, Champlain asks 
aid of, 229; position, 229 n. 

SoupQonneuse, La, see Martha's Vine- 
yard. 

Souriquois, Indian tribe, cabins, 48, 
96; kindred, 48 n.; manner of life, 
48, 146; enemies, 49-50; Cham- 
plain makes overtures to, 50; dress, 
51; language, 61; government, 96; 
religion, 96; headquarters of, 
146 n.; war with the Iroquois, 149- 
166, 178-187, 287-296. 

Split, Cape, named, 112, 112 n. 

Stadacon6, Indian name for Quebec, 
131 n.; Cartier's settlement called, 
139. 

Stage Harbor, described, 95 n., 101 n. 

Stage Island, 57 n. 

State, CouncU of, revokes de Monts's 
monopoly, 24. 

States General, sitting of, 272, 272 n. 

Straitsmouth, Island, 64 n. 

Stratton Island, Champlain anchors 
at, 60, 60 n. 

Sturgeon Lake, Champlain enters, 
288, 288 n. 

Sturgeon River, 280, 280 n. 

Sugar Loaves, rocks, 57 n. 

Sully, Duke of, opposes Sieur de Monts, 

6; death, 189. 
Superior, Lake, 281 n. 
Susquehanna River, Indians of, 356, 

356 n. 
Susquehannocks, 285, 285 n. 

Tadoussac, 39; Champlain at, 124, 
169, 176, 201, 274, 334, 340; har- 
bor of, described, 125; Champlain 
sends a vessel to, 131 ; conspirators 
sent to, 135; Champlain leaves, 



INDEX 



377 



129, 190, 361; Pont Grav6 at, 187; 
Pont Grav6 leaves, 205; settlers 
await Champlain at, 232. 

Tecouehata, Indian chief, 218. 

Tern, 340, 340 n. 

Tessoiiat, entertains Champlain, 245- 
254; replies to Champlain's request, 
247-248; accuses Vignau, 250-251. 

Testu, Captain, hears of the conspiracy 
against Champlain, 133. 

Thatcher's Island, Champlain anchors 
at, 64 n., 65 n. 

Thibaut, Captain, 180. 

Thomas, gives information to Cham- 
plain, 249. 

Thorwald, son of Eric the Red, 72 n. 

Three Turks' Heads, islands, 64 n. 

Tibaut, captain of vessel, 219. 

Ticonderoga, 162 n.; Indian battle 
at, 163, 163 n. 

Tobacco, cultivation of, 62; seen by 
Cartier at Quebec, 62 n.; Indians 
make powder of, 74. 

Tobacco nation, Champlain visits, 
302; customs, 303. 

Tor Bay, Champlain passes, 116. 

Tortoise Island, see Seguin Island. 

Touaguainchain, Indian village, 283. 

Tourmente, Cape, named, 130; Cham- 
plain's men go to, 342. 

Tousquet Islands, described, 29, 29 n. 

Tracadie, 38 n. 

Tregouaroti, Indian captain, 208. 

Tremblaye, Sieur de, reaches Tadous- 
sac, 232. 

Trent River, 288 n. 

Tresart, request of, 202. 

Trois Rivieres, Champlain passes, 
153; Indians await Champlain at, 
178; Champlain unable to explore, 
202; Champlain at, 219; Cartier 
mentions, 222; Chesnes to meet 
the savages at, 340; mentioned, 
352; Champlain leaves, 360. 

Turkeys, found, 75. 

Tusket Islands, see Tousquet Islands. 

Two Bays, Cape of, see Chignecto Cape. 

Two Mountains, Lake of, Champlain 
penetrates to, 203, 203 n.; Cham- 
plain leaves, 237, 237 n. 

Tyre, position of, 21-22. 

Ubaldini, Roberto, nuncio of the Pope, 
271, 271 n. 



Upper Hell Gate, 58 n. 

Venice, grandeur of, 21. 

Vervins, peace of, 3. 

Vignau, Nicholas de, report of, con- 
cerning the North Sea, 234, 235; 
Tessouat accuses, 250; is proven to 
be a liar, 251-252; confession, 257. 

Vineyard Sound, 101 n. 

Virginia, English settlement in, 339. 

Vitr6, Foulger6 de, remains at Port 
Royal, 88. 

Wampum, 305, 305 n. 

Warwig Creek, 41 n. 

Waymouth, Captain George, voyage, 

23 n.; commands the Archangel, 

77 n. 
Wedge Island, 115 n. 
Weeden, W. B., article on wampum, 

Johns Hopkins Studies, 305 n. 
Wellfleet Harbor, 20 n. 
Wells Neck, Champlain goes on shore 

at, 63 n. 
West Indies, Champlain sets sail for, 

3; Columbus in, 95 n. 
Westport Island, 58 n. 
Whales, mode of catching, 190-191. 
Whirlpool River, see Rivifere du 

Gouffre. 
White Haven, named, 116, 116 n. 
White Ledge, 57 n. 
White Mountains, 60 n. 
Wight, Isle of, Champlain anchors 

near, 175, 175 n. 
Williamson, History of Maine, 25. 
Wilmere, Alice, translator, 11. 
Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical 

History of America, 12, 23 n., 224. 
Wiscasset, 58 n. 
Wiscasset Harbor, Champlain goes to, 

58 n. 
Wood Island, 82 n. 
Wood's Hole, 101 n. 
Wyandots, see Yendots. 

Yamaska, river, 154 n. 

Yendots, 170 n. 

Yroquet, welcomes Champlain, 151; 
mentioned, 179; meets Champlain, 
185; brings back Brul6, 207; in- 
vites Champlain to a council, 212; 
at Champlain's settlement, 302; 
offends the Atignouaatans, 305; 
seeks Champlain, 306. 



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